Fifth Congress of the Revolutionary Student Movement – October 31-November 1, Ottawa!

Fifth Congress of the Revolutionary Student Movement – October 31-November 1, Ottawa!

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Update!!!: The RSM Coordinating Committee has made the decision to postpone the upcoming Congress to the weekend of October 31-November 1. This will give everyone -the Coordinating Committee, the sections, groups outside of the RSM, etc.- more time to prepare in order to ensure that the Congress is a success. See you in October!

 

The Revolutionary Student Movement (RSM) is pleased to announce that we will be holding our Fifth Pan-Canadian Congress in Ottawa on October 31-November 1! The RSM is the Canada-wide organization of revolutionary and anti-capitalist youth and students. We first came together as a collection of small groups from Ontario and Quebec in December of 2012. We now exist in every major region of the country, with over 10 different sections. We organize in CEGEPS, colleges, high-schools, and universities. We are against exploitation, alienation, and oppression in all its forms; in short, our goal is to contribute to the struggle against capitalism by organizing working-class students towards revolution.

Since our last Congress in late 2014, a lot has changed. We have several new chapters, including for the first time ever a section in Atlantic Canada. As a result, in two and a half years the RSM has grown to be the largest left-wing student organization in Canada. This shows that working-class students are radicalizing as austerity grows ever uglier and attacks our already crumbling living standards. These students are looking for real solutions to their problems; not simply the tired platitudes and failed strategies of the reformist student movement.

At our last Congress we decided to organize a Pan-Canadian Day of Action against austerity and in solidarity with the student strike in Quebec. This came to fruition on March 24 when 12,000 students in 15 different cities across Canada responded to our call. Actions included a large “night demonstration” in Montreal in support of striking students, as well as an historic “long march” from York to the University of Toronto in support of striking academic workers at both schools. For the first time ever, rather than simply responding to events as they arose, the RSM took the lead and pushed the struggle forward across Canada. This represents an important advance in our influence and practice.

Going into our Fifth Congress, our work is far from over. Austerity continues to undermine the living standards of students and workers across Canada. The labour movement is unable to respond to capital’s renewed assault on even the smallest concessions won by workers. Indigenous peoples continue to be brutalized by an ongoing process of colonialism, which not only results in a total lack of self-determination, but also deplorable living conditions –even after the government has finally admitted to genocide! Rising tensions internationally between various imperialisms –principally American and Chinese, but Canadian imperialism as well- raise the spectre of another massive war for the first time in generations. The student movement in Quebec appears to be in temporary retreat, and the bureaucratic “student movement” in the rest of Canada continues to stagnate. Now more than ever the necessity of a revolutionary and militant student movement is clear.

With this in mind, we have set the following goals for our upcoming Congress:

• Advance and strengthen our anti-settler colonial, anti-imperialist, and anti-capitalist political perspectives on the situation of youth and students in Canada;
• Further develop our analysis of the role of revolutionary students in advancing the indigenous struggle for self-determination;
• Establish a plan to develop a Pan-Canadian platform that encompasses the revolutionary demands of students from across Canada;
• Develop a comprehensive plan to create the conditions for student strikes across Canada;
• Unify revolutionary students into the RSM, especially in Western Canada.

To this end, we invite all sections of the RSM to prepare resolutions, dealing with these themes or others, and submit them for discussion at the Congress.

We invite all RSM sections to send delegates to the Congress. Details will follow regarding delegate selection procedures.

We invite all supporters of the RSM to form new sections before the upcoming Congress, and apply to send delegates.

We invite existing groups to vote on joining the RSM to participate in the upcoming Congress, so as to strengthen the movement of revolutionary students.

And finally, we invite anyone who is interested in our practice and political line to send observers to the Fifth Congress, so as to better understand what we’re about.

The development of the revolutionary movement in Canada –both among students and among workers more broadly- is advancing by leaps and bounds. We invite you to become a part of the struggle.

If you or your organization is interested in participating, email: info@mer-rsm.ca .

See you in Ottawa!

#redspring2015 Day of Action Statement

#redspring2015 Day of Action Statement

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The #redspring2015 Pan-Canadian day of action has finally arrived!

When the Revolutionary Student Movement first called for a March 2015 day of action, we had no idea how students across Canada would respond. We hoped of course that students would take up the demands we issued –for free, democratic, liberating, and anti-colonial education- and run with them. So far we have been completely blown away by the response; literally thousands of students from across Canada are mobilizing today. There are actions taking place in over a dozen locations across the entire country, from Halifax, to Montreal, to Toronto, to Saskatoon, to Kamloops. This is truly a pan-Canadian movement.

As you read this, the administration offices at uOttawa are being occupied. In Toronto, students are standing in solidarity with striking workers at York. In Sudbury, Oshawa, and Saskatoon walk-outs are occurring. Tonight, in Montreal and Quebec, there will be “Fucking Big Demonstrations” numbering in the thousands in support of the student strike in Quebec. And these are just a few of the examples of what’s going on across Canada today.

It would be clichéd to say “this is just the beginning”, but truthfully, it’s not even that. A strike of educational workers has effectively stopped ‘business-as-usual’ at York and the University of Toronto for the past month. Students in Quebec have been on strike for nearly a week now. This day of action, in addition to the events of the past month, are simply other steps in what will surely be a long struggle to achieve liberating education in Canada. But for the first time ever, in spite of conciliatory student associations in English Canada, in spite of the attacks by the state and university administrations, we are beginning to build a movement that will shake all of Canadian society to its foundations. It’s a good time to be a revolutionary student.

So what next? What direction should the momentum from the day of action take the student movement?

Three years after the biggest strike in Quebec’s history, we are conscious that the issues are complex and the student movement’s goals numerous. The immediate task is to support the student strikes, and try to spread them as widely as possible. We also encourage people to begin preparing for a possible strike in the Fall. The more militant and radical forces, including our Montreal and Quebec City chapters, are definitely leading this struggle. The FECQ and the FEUQ do not have influence within the student movement anymore, and they have only themselves to blame; their lobbysim, their bureaucratism, their numerous betrayals and their long-time relationship with the Parti Québécois are the causes of their failure.  We have great expectations for this struggle; it’s a good occasion to learn and to consolidate stronger mass movements.

In Toronto, all efforts should go towards a strike victory for CUPE locals 3902 and 3903 at UofT and York. In order for the strikes to be successful there will necessarily have to be a continuation of the escalation of tactics already taking place. Striking academic workers must also continue to build cross-local solidarity, so that the current movement cannot be split.

In the rest of Canada, now more than ever the weakness of the current federal student associations (the CFS and CASA) is apparent. In the wake of a strike in Quebec, a strike in Toronto, and a day of action across Canada, even the ostensibly more “action oriented” CFS has been unable to do anything other than try to dampen initiatives in some locations. Local student associations continually fail to educate and organize students to effectively oppose increasing tuition and the austerity agenda threatening education. Thus, to overcome this barrier, we must organize a democratization of the current student movement. In student unions where general assemblies don’t exist, they should be fought for. General assemblies should be extended down to the faculty and departmental level. In places where they do exist, general assemblies should be given real decision making power and held more frequently.  This will be a protracted process but it is an absolute necessity; as contradictions within high schools, colleges, and universities continue to sharpen, we will need democratic structures that will allow for future struggles. The time to start building them is now. Together we can change the face of the student movement in Canada.

Finally, we encourage students across Canada to involve themselves with the Revolutionary Student Movement. We are an anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, anti-oppressive, and anti-colonial student movement. In places where RSM chapters do exist, we encourage new members to get involved. In places where RSM chapters don’t exist, we encourage activists to get in touch with us to start new ones. Now more than ever, as austerity shows us the ugly face of capitalism, as the attack on our already limited civil liberties increases, as Indigenous peoples continue to struggle against the oppression of colonialism, it is necessary for us to get organized and to fight back.

But what’s most important is that the momentum from today is not lost, and that we continue to build a militant student movement in the weeks, months, and years to come.

See you in the streets!

#redspring2015 March 24 Day of Action Against Austerity! Solidarity with the Spring 2015 Movement!

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The Revolutionary Student Movement is calling for a pan-Canadian day of action against austerity and in solidarity with the Spring 2015 movement on March 24, 2015. We call for the creation of mobilization committees on campuses across Canada with the intent of organizing actions –strikes, demonstrations, walk-outs, etc. – on March 24. Let’s use this opportunity to build a student movement across Canada that is not afraid to fight, and not afraid to win. Let’s use this opportunity to build a student movement that is not content with simply begging the government for scraps by lobbying. And let’s use this opportunity to show the students of Quebec that the rest of Canada stands behind them in their struggle.

Here are all of the resources that we’ve produced so far for the #redspring2015 campaign!


Documents

Students of Canada: Rise Up!

How to Form a Spring 2015 Mobilization Committee

 

Posters

Red Spring Poster

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

PDF   PDF#2

 

Red Spring Poster Demands

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Pamphlet

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Facebook Profile Picture

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Facebook Cover Photo

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How to Form a Spring 2015 Mobilization Committee

How to Form a Spring 2015 Mobilization Committee

You’re new to political organizing. You don’t have the experience or the networks, but you know you want to help somehow. You’re excited about the March 24 day of action that’s coming up, but don’t know where to start. You want to organize a Mobilization Committee, but aren’t sure how. Don’t worry; we’ve all been there. The only way to get good at organizing is to organize; there’s no trick, secret method, or anything like that. The RSM has created a small guide to help you out.

Any action begins with a plan. You should have some idea of what you want to accomplish. What sort of action do you want to organize? What are the necessary steps required to get there? But before any of that, you need to get people together, and that’s the point of a Mobilization Committee. The Mobilization Committee fundamentally is a committee that brings people together to organize an action, in this case the pan-Canadian day of action on March 24. The first goal in pulling together a Mobilization Committee should be to hold a successful first planning meeting, which usually means getting a decent number of people involved, developing a basic plan of action, and assigning responsibility for carrying out the tasks contained in that plan.

Begin by figuring out who you already know that would be interested in organizing a Mobilization Committee. Start with a meeting to plan the launch of your Mobilization Committee. Specific tasks should be assigned to specific people, and one or two of your most dedicated and reliable people should also be tasked with making sure everything is getting done.

In terms of getting a Mobilization Committee started, promotion is generally your most important task. There are a number of ways you can do this kind of outreach:

  • Making posters advertising the date, time, location, and purpose of the meeting. These posters should be full-colour if possible, eye-catching and attractive. The RSM has a number of designs that can be modified for this purpose so don’t hesitate to ask for one if needed.
  • Putting posters up everywhere on and around campus, including places off-campus where working-class students hang out. Every campus has rules about who can poster, what and where, and those rules are always a little different from place to place so it’s a good idea to find out what those rules are to minimize the chances that all your posters will be taken down and your hard work will go to waste. Often the local student association office will know, so ask them. That said, if it’s impossible to poster without breaking the rules, fuck the rules, do it anyway.
  • Small handbills are also nice for face-to-face outreach. These can be sized as 1/4 of a standard piece of paper and should be double-sided. One side should be a smaller version of your poster, with the other giving a brief description of what the Mobilization Committee is and what it aims to accomplish, plus an invitation to the meeting. Hand these out in highly-trafficked hallways on campus, or approach people sitting on benches and tables with them to start a conversation.
  • One-on-one conversations with people are your most valuable and important organizing tool. Most people are used to getting a wall of bullshit advertising thrown at them day-in-and-day-out; more often than not, people don’t even notice posters. One-on-one conversations are your chance to show people you’re sincere, have a plan to win, and aren’t full of shit. When you’re talking to people about the Mobilization Committee, try getting them pissed off – not at you, of course, but at the system that leaves them indebted, unemployed, and oppressed – and show them getting mobilized is how they can finally do something about it. Get their names, e-mail addresses, and phone numbers for follow-ups and reminders.
  • Professors will often allow students to make quick announcements before class. Find out where large classes are held, and where lectures are held that might have students who would be sympathetic to your efforts. Show up before the classes and ask the professor if you can make a quick announcement about a student activist initiative. Have a quick, 2-minute speech prepared (and practiced!) and pass a contact sheet through the class. Stick around until it’s circulated and collect it afterwards, then send a follow-up text or email to the people who signed up.
  • Find out what publications are distributed on your campus. Most schools have at least one newspaper, and many faculties or departments will have one as well. See if you can get an announcement of your meeting in the paper, or write a letter to the editor about it.

The meeting should be in at least a semi-private place so that you can focus, but preferably on campus for accessibility. Ask the student association office and/or the Student Life department of the school about booking a lecture hall or study room for your meeting, and if that fails then pick a room on campus you can access freely without having to ask for permission. Worst case scenario, a table in the cafeteria or a common area works just fine.

Generally speaking, people should be given at least one week (ideally two weeks) notice before a meeting. Think about how much time you need to adjust your own schedule; everyone else faces the same challenges. Try and be accommodating to other people’s schedules.

So you’ve done all the promotion you’re capable of, and it’s time for the first meeting itself. First off, many of the people you talk to, even the ones who say they’re interested, won’t come to the meeting. Don’t be discouraged! People are busy; they work, have families, hobbies, etc. . The majority of people will not be able to be political organizers, and that’s alright. What *is* important is that you don’t adopt a self-righteous attitude, looking down at those that don’t show up; that’s a perfect way to isolate yourself. Some new folks will come, and anything at this point is progress. Often times the people who don’t get heavily involved will become part of the base of contacts you can call on for one-off marches, rallies, events, etc.

Be prepared for your first meeting in every way possible. Be there early to set up and greet people. People will show up late, so expect to start about 15 minutes after your scheduled time. Chat with the people who show up on time and try to find out what they’re all about.

When you’re ready to start the meeting, do a quick go-around for people to introduce themselves and maybe say a little about why they want to be involved in a Mobilization Committee. This helps people become comfortable with one another. Then get down to work.

Before the meeting, you’ll want to have an agenda prepared. You’ll want to think about what you hope to accomplish in the short-term (the next weeks) and the medium-term (March 24 actions) and the specific steps to take so you can get there (what actions, what outreach strategies, what messaging, etc). Come up with this plan at the Mobilization Committee meeting.

The people who show up will probably have some ideas about what they want to do, but chances are they won’t have spent as much time developing a whole, cohesive plan. If somebody brings up something clever, integrate it into the plan! If somebody brings up something that’s a little hazy or half-baked, there’s often at least some kernel of truth in it. Your goal as an organizer is to find that kernel and integrate it into your plans. Not everyone has to agree on everything, but everyone should feel as though they had input into the decisions that were made. The best way for people to feel invested in the Mobilization Committee is for them to feel as though they have ownership over it; without that, people will begin to drift away, and will prioritize other things.

At the meeting you should set out the specific tasks that have to be completed – which at first may just be doing more wide-spread promotion for the next Mobilization Committee meeting using the strategies above. All tasks should be assigned to specific people based on what they volunteer for. You should also decide on one or two people who are responsible for coordinating tasks and making sure things are getting done. You should set the next meeting date and location, and get a contact sheet to collect people’s information so you can follow up with them.

From there, a lot of what happens will be determined by the specifics of your campus and the goals you set out for your Mobilization Committee. This basic guide should help you get to a place where you can figure that out. Of course, if you ever feel stuck or lost as to how you should proceed, contact the Revolutionary Student Movement, which has accumulated a fair amount of experience and might be able to point you in the right direction on the challenges you’re facing.

See you in the streets on March 24!

Students of Canada: Rise-up! Pan-Canadian Day of Action, March 24

Students of Canada: Rise-up! Pan-Canadian Day of Action, March 24

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This spring, students across Quebec will strike against austerity. The Spring 2015 movement has united students and workers in the fight for free and accessible education, and is benefitting from the lessons learned in the Maple Spring of 2012. Coming from outside the traditional student organizations, the Spring 2015 committee has already organized a number of actions to promote the upcoming strike. For instance, over 80,000 students went on strike against austerity on Halloween 2014. This is all leading up to February, when students in Quebec will be convening special general assemblies to vote-in strike mandates. Combined with commitments from a number of labour unions to also support the movement, this spring is shaping up to be very exciting in Quebec.

And in the rest of Canada? Despite the fact that austerity measures have hit students in the rest of Canada even harder than in Quebec –Ontario, for instance, has the highest tuition fees in the country and the lowest per-capita funding for education- virtually nothing is being done. The main student associations (the Canadian Federation of Students and Canadian Alliance of Student Associations) are nearly silent on the movement developing in Quebec. Just like in 2012, they are not mobilizing for a strike or even for solidarity actions, and instead have a strategy of conciliatory government lobbying. And despite the fact that we’ve had three years to learn from the example of the Maple Spring, the CFS and CASA have been content to maintain their bureaucratic and anti-democratic structures, which have proven to be ineffective at protecting the interests of students.

Enough is enough.

The Revolutionary Student Movement is calling for a pan-Canadian day of action against austerity and in solidarity with the Spring 2015 movement on March 24, 2015. We call for the creation of mobilization committees on campuses across Canada with the intent of organizing actions –strikes, demonstrations, walk-outs, etc. – on March 24. These mobilization committees will be safe and accessible to all people that wish to participate; in short, any sort of oppressive behaviour (racism, sexism, homophobia, ableism, national chauvinism, etc.) will not be tolerated within these committees. The committees must strive to be anti-colonial, feminist and LGBTQ2S+ inclusive, expressed in the committees’ political leadership and in their actions.

Let’s use this opportunity to build a student movement across Canada that is not afraid to fight, and not afraid to win. Let’s use this opportunity to build a student movement that is not content with simply begging the government for scraps by lobbying. And let’s use this opportunity to show the students of Quebec that the rest of Canada stands behind them in their struggle.

We demand:

Abolition of tuition at all levels of education! Cancellation of all outstanding student debt!
Students should no longer have to pay for education. Students who could not afford post-secondary education should no longer be punished by high-interest student loans.

Open access to post-secondary education for all!
Free tuition alone cannot guarantee accessibility. We demand guaranteed admission to every post-secondary institution for all students. Good quality post-secondary education should not simply be for the elite; everyone should have access to the schools and programs of their choice.

Education in the service of the people, not profit!
Education should serve the interests of people, not corporations or profit. Research should be done for the benefit of all, not the benefit of private firms. We demand that a democratic and scientific education should replace the imperialist, settler colonial and patriarchal curriculum in post-secondary schools. Education should prepare us to struggle for justice and liberation, not simply prepare us to work.

Access to post-secondary education for all indigenous people and an anti-colonial aspect to all programs!
We recognize that Canada, as a settler colony, is built on stolen land and the genocide of Indigenous peoples. Increased funding must be made available for all indigenous people to have access to post-secondary education, as well as for the creation of indigenous colleges and universities. We demand that education preserves the cultures and languages of indigenous people within post-secondary education, and a necessary anti-colonial component to all programs.

Democratic control of post-secondary institutions!
Universities and colleges should be run by the people they serve, not by unelected boards of governors filled with representatives of the big banks and large corporations. We demand the abolition of boards of governors, and their replacement with representative bodies composed of students, faculty, support staff, and members of the community. All representatives should be determined by the university’s community, and subject to recall at any time.

By uniting across Canada and Quebec, we can build a movement that will shake society to its foundations. We can win a truly liberating and democratic education system that serves the people. So what are we waiting for?

See you in the streets on March 24!

For more information, email: mobilization@mer-rsm.ca

RSM in Solidarity with Students at UBC!

RSM in Solidarity with Students at UBC!

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Dear Students of UBC,

The Revolutionary Student Movement (MER-RSM) sends you revolutionary greetings! We stand with you in solidarity in your recent struggles against tuition fees and against all barriers to post-secondary education. We support your opposition to the unaffordable housing policy and tuition hikes upon international students that have been imposed upon you by your University’s administration. Over the course of the last semester we were excited to follow the news coming from UBC, and were happy to see that the numerous actions you planned (including a Teach-In, a General Assembly, and a protest) were successful.

We would like to particularly commend your courage in choosing to mobilize outside of your student association. More often than not outside of Quebec, it seems, student associations hinder struggles by channelling student efforts through the formal mechanisms and governing bodies set up by university administrations and governments. Student associations may lobby, and they may campaign for increased representation on governance bodies, but most do little else. As we, and surely you also have seen, these processes are seldom effective. These “official” channels and “respectable” actions often distract proletarian and revolutionary students from directing their anger at university administrations, and serve as a means by which student union careerists can pad their resumes –all at the expense of developing a strong student movement that isn’t afraid to fight. This is a lesson that we’ve unfortunately had to learn in our own contexts; it’s exciting to see others coming to the same conclusions.

We were especially impressed by your ability to use your mobilization to attain quorum in your Student Association’s annual general meeting, the first time this has been done in forty years. You were then able to use the general assembly to pass motions that were binding upon your student representatives, forcing them to oppose the tuition hikes. Insofar as we have also been working on winning and democratizing general assemblies on our campuses, we appreciate the commitment that such an accomplishment requires. We believe that your efforts prove the necessity of further democratizing student unions across Canada to more effectively fight for the interests of working-class students.

We want to wish you continued success in building a strong culture of militancy at UBC. And, we wish you luck in your struggle against the corporate university and the overreaching desire for capitalism to commodify and exploit everything of value within our communities.

For us, your mobilization points to the way forward for the student movement in the rest of Canada. As you are likely aware, this spring, students in Quebec are going to strike against austerity. The Spring 2015 movement is shaping up to be even bigger than the Maple Spring in 2012. And yet, the existing student organizations in the rest of Canada have been largely silent, and have not begun any serious mobilization. Basing ourselves on our experience, as well as your experiences at UBC, the RSM decided at its most recent congress to organize a pan-Canadian day of action on March 24 against austerity and in solidarity with the Spring 2015 movement. We will no longer let the inactivity of the existing student organizations serve as an excuse for the inactivity of students in the rest of Canada; now, more than ever, we believe that the conditions exist to build a real, fighting student movement. We wish to extend an invitation to you to help organize this day of action with us.

In Solidarity,

Mouvement Étudiant Révolutionnaire – Revolutionary Student Movement

The Mass Line and Student Organizing

The Mass Line and Student Organizing

This is an adaptation of a presentation given by a member of the RSM at the Montreal Student Movement Convention in the Summer of 2014.

I. Introduction

This section of the workshop is titled “The Mass Line and Student Organizing”. As the name implies, I’m going to be talking about the relevance of the mass line to work that we do among students, based in the strong class analysis advanced by my comrade beforehand. First I’ll talk a bit about myself to give you an idea of where I’m coming from, and then I’ll talk about the mass line in the abstract, the concrete application of the mass line in our work, why the mass line is important, and finally I’ll draw some conclusions about the mass line’s role in student organizing.

So a bit about me. I’m an organizer with the Revolutionary Student Movement; I currently sit on the coordinating committee of the RSM. I’ve been doing student organizing at various levels since 2007 when I started doing anti-military recruitment work at my high school in London, Ontario. I was very involved with my student union at uOttawa, even sitting on the council at one point. I was initially very supportive of the bureaucratic student unions, but my experiences and disillusionment with that approach to organizing led me to help found the Revolutionary Student Movement. I’ve also done some union organizing with food service workers, working as an in-shop organizer in the industrial cafeteria at Carleton University. All this is to say, what I’m talking about today isn’t borne out of abstract principles or simply from reading interesting articles, but instead is an attempt by me to pick out and synthesize some universal lessons from the work that I’ve spent the last 7 years doing.

 

II. What is the Mass Line?

What do I mean when I say “the mass line”? The mass line is the communist method of doing work among the masses; all successful communist organizers use it, but it was first synthesized by Mao. Communists aren’t the only ones who use the mass line; I’d go as far as saying it’s a necessary method of work to employ when doing any sort of political organizing, but communists are generally the only ones that conceptualize it in these terms. It is a radically democratic method of doing work, when applied correctly.

And who are the masses we’re talking about when we talk about the mass line? Well, quite frankly, everyone with the exception of the ruling class – in capitalist society capitalists and their stooges. The masses are people with all sorts of ideas and political consciousnesses, good and bad: your family, neighbours, co-workers, friends, etc. . So the mass line is first and foremost a way of doing work that connects us, as communists, with the working class.

The mass line can be broadly summed up in two principles. The first principle is “from the masses, to the masses”. To explain what I mean by this, as communists (or socialists or anarchists or whatever else) we have a certain set of ideas, both about how the world works but also about the type of society we want to live in. The masses don’t necessarily agree with us on these points yet, but rather have a set of very legitimate and real grievances with society as it’s currently structured: rent is too high, tuition fees are increasing, lack of access to services, etc. . And so it’s the job of any organizers to go among the masses, listen to their grievances, synthesize their issues with our understanding of reality, and carry that back to the masses in the form of demands or a political program. It’s an almost metabolic process of constant investigation and dialogue, and it’s a means of not only bringing up the political level of the masses by relating our politics to their struggles, but also of grounding ourselves in the masses. This is the most important aspect of the mass line.

The second principle is summed up in one of two ways. The first says to “unite the advanced, bring up the intermediate, and isolate the backwards” whereas the second is to “unite the advanced, raise the level of the intermediate, win over the backwards”. Whichever one applies depends on the context.[1] So what do we mean by this? At the most basic level politics is knowing who our friends and enemies are: what forces can be mobilized in favour of something we want to achieve, and what forces will be mobilized against us. When we’re talking about the masses, we can generally divide them into three categories: the advanced (those with progressive, revolutionary, and democratic ideas who are willing to act on them), the intermediate (those with confused ideas but who are inactive), and the backwards (those with regressive ideas). This second principle of the mass line instructs us to know who constitutes various sections of the masses, and what these political actors are doing and thinking, in order to allow us to properly respond and orient ourselves effectively toward them.

These two principles “from the masses, to the masses” and “unite the advanced, bring up the intermediate, and isolate the backwards” are the two basic principles of mass line.

 

III. The Mass Line is a Process

To get a little bit less abstract, the mass line, when put into practice, is a continuous process.

1) First, any organizer has to begin with social investigation: figuring out what the issues or grievances of the masses are, and then figuring out who the advanced, intermediate, and backwards are. This can take the form of surveys, reactions to lived experiences, and so on and so forth. Coming out of this process there should be a seemingly winnable campaign or goal identified, with a basic plan of action.

2) Once these questions have been answered (not in full; you’ll only be able to truly know the world through struggling to change it), one must gather all those forces which are capable and willing to struggle and fight for the campaign that has been initiated. This can take the form of meetings, a campaign call-out, etc.. This is the means by which the advanced are united.

3) Following the gathering of forces, it’s incumbent on organizers to put people into action, to intervene in the world in a political way and actually carry out the campaign that you’re trying to organize. Through the process of going to people and talking to them about the proposed campaign, you’re able to increase their political level; this is the process of “bringing up the intermediate”.

4) After initiating any sort of political action, there will inevitably be some sort of reaction to the work that you’re engaging in. An organizer should use this as an opportunity to see what results have been obtained through the political action, and re-evaluate the initial plan. Maybe you’ve won, maybe you haven’t, but either way there needs to be some form of accounting for and systematizing the effort that you’ve engaged in.

5) Every struggle that isn’t the final struggle against capitalism will inevitably die down at some point. It’s the job of organizers to consolidate the gains made during the campaign, either in the form of ensuring the reform you’ve fought for is successful or, more importantly, organizing new people that have been brought into political life through the work that you’ve initiated. At the end of the day, winning or losing the specific reform is not what’s important: advancing the class struggle, and increasing the level of struggle among the masses as well as the capacities of revolutionary organizers, is what matters. Consolidation should serve this end. In order for consolidation to happen, formal organizations are necessary; there needs to be something for people to be consolidated into.

6) Once new forces are consolidated, a new round of investigation should begin, and the cycle begins anew.

Mass line is not simply a set of static principles, but when applied, is a radically democratic and vibrant way of organizing.

 

IV. Concrete Application of the Mass Line: General Assemblies at uOttawa

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Moving completely away from the abstract at this point, I’d like to talk about how the RSM has concretely applied the mass line in the various struggles we’ve undertaken. The RSM is relatively new, insofar as we began the process of forming the RSM in December of 2012. Despite having engaged in a number of different activities and campaigns, I’ll be focusing on our most involved campaign: the campaign for General Assemblies at the University of Ottawa.

For us at uOttawa, our experience organizing students through the student union constituted the social investigation we undertook. We knew that students at uOttawa were incredibly disillusioned with the student union and had virtually no confidence in the executives of our student federation; they correctly understood the student federation to be bureaucratic, ineffective, etc. . And so in the process of figuring out what to do, we identified those forces willing to struggle for democratic decision making structures as being part of the advanced in this given context. In turn –and this really set us apart I think from other attempts, of which there were many, to get GAs at uOttawa-  we identified CFS aligned student union bureaucrats as being part of the backwards, insofar as they didn’t fully support the democratic program we were putting forward.

We began the campaign by doing basic promotion (postering, social networks, etc.) for a campaign launch event. This was in February of 2013. The launch event gathered all those who were interested in working towards GAs at uOttawa, uniting the advanced around democratic politics. We came up with a series of 10 essential features that a GA had to include, which consisted of basic things like: all students have a vote, all students can call GAs, all students can put forward motions, etc. but also included more radically democratic demands such as: the GA must be the highest decision making body of the student federation, and the GA should have the ability to impeach student union executives.

We then launched the campaign. We decided that for a GA to have any sort of democratic legitimacy, it would have to be voted in by students, and not pushed through the council of the student union. At uOttawa, in order to get a referendum question on the ballot during the student union elections, it is necessary to submit a petition containing 1500 signatures of undergrad students. Given our size at the time this was a fairly daunting task, but we mobilized and were able to accomplish it. When we relaunched the campaign in September of 2013 we had only a few hundred signatures; by mid-October 2013, we had managed to collect over 1700. Two things are worth noting here: first, collecting petition signatures made it necessary to engage with the student population as a whole, and this engagement necessarily involved political discussion and debate with students, thus “bringing up the intermediate”. Second, as we campaigned more people became interested in the work we were doing, and either got involved with the GA campaign or joined the RSM; the process of consolidation began during the campaign itself.

Afraid to lose the momentum we had built over the 2013 Fall semester, we insisted on holding a referendum as soon as possible. The only date that worked with the exam schedule and within the constraints of the student union’s constitution was the end of November. This was likely a tactical mistake on our part; the poor timing of the referendum combined with a referendum boycott campaign promoted by the campus reactionaries resulted in us missing quorum by a few hundred votes, which was fairly heartbreaking. However, the response was overwhelmingly in favour of GAs, with 86% of students that voted voting in favour. We were able to leverage this support and force the student union executives and council (the more progressive bureaucrats were split between forcing GAs through the council, which we opposed, and holding a second referendum) to hold a second referendum during the student union general elections in February of 2014.

The second referendum was much more successful. The campus reactionaries decided to organize a “NO” side to the referendum, but did so quite poorly. In the end voter turnout was higher than normal for a student election, with over 60% voting in favour of GAs. In the process, the RSM at uOttawa had transformed from being primarily a reading group into an organization that engaged in both theory and practice. Through the process of consolidation –bringing new people in on the basis of GAs, being open with our communist politics, and activating supporters who until then had not had a reason to get involved- our membership tripled; far greater than the 40% growth we were aiming for when we launched the campaign. And now, as we prepare for the new school year, we are beginning our second round of social investigation, looking into how best to mobilize for GAs and what initiatives we will bring forward there.

In conclusion, there are two things worth emphasizing. The first is that when we started the GA campaign, we were unsure if we had the capacity to win. It was only in the process of engaging in that struggle that we built capacity, both by improving the skills of our organizers, and engaging new members. Revolutionaries should adopt a dialectical view of organizing: had we simply looked at the balance of forces in February of 2013, adopting an empiricist view of organizing, we wouldn’t have launched the campaign. But, by understanding that through action there is consolidation and growth, we decided to launch the campaign anyway. The second point is that the GA was never the end goal in-and-of-itself. Yes, there is something to be said for direct democracy and the emancipatory politics behind direct democracy. But direct democracy can also be a platform for reactionary politics; the GA as a decision making model is not particularly special. We understood the GA to be a step in the direction of our final goal, which is the mobilization of all proletarian students towards the destruction of capitalism and the university: GAs are another forum in which to engage in class struggle. And so, I’d like to emphasize, the specific reform was not particularly important: what was important was the campaign’s capacity, and the capacity of GAs, to raise the level of class struggle on the campus.

 

V. What the Mass Line Isn’t

Up until now, I have only talked about what the mass line is. Before talking about why, abstractly, the mass line is important to communists, I will highlight a few things the mass line isn’t.

The mass-line is not tailism. Tailism is a type of practice by which revolutionaries only allow themselves to follow the most advanced ideas of the masses, never moving beyond these ideas or putting forward any revolutionary politics. Some use the mass line as a means of excusing this type of practice, saying that according to the mass line we have to go to the masses and meet the masses where they are at politically. While this is true, it is only half of the mass line: revolutionaries are also supposed to raise the political level of the masses in the process of struggle, and this can only be done if revolutionaries openly put forward revolutionary politics. The mass line is intended to raise the level of the masses and connect them with revolutionary struggle, not serve as an excuse for revolutionaries to hide their politics.

The mass line is not econonism. Economism can be characterized as a type of practice in which economic demands are raised to a primary place of importance, while political demands are sidelined or ignored. For instance, fighting for increased minimum wage without connecting that fight with the struggle to end the wage system and capitalism, is an example of economism. While the mass line is concerned with specific demands and grievances of the masses, it does not stop there: it is a means by which revolutionaries can connect these specific demands with the broader revolutionary struggle, and pull the masses into that struggle.

The mass line is not bureaucratism. This should be fairly obvious but it is not. In many of our organizing experiences, we have seen otherwise democratic structures perverted by power-hungry bureaucrats, even when the stakes are relatively low –this is especially common within student unions, as I’m sure everyone here can attest to. There are some people, who without saying it openly, but through their actions, conceive of the mass line not as a radically democratic way of connecting the masses with revolutionaries, but as a means by which the masses can be controlled. Revolutionaries should use the mass line to awaken the potential of the masses.

The mass line is not commandism. The mass-line is necessary because revolutionaries hold a different set of ideas from the masses about how the world operates and how it should operate; we are revolutionaries, the masses are not. An organizer must be conscious of this difference. If, for instance, we were to insist that the masses become revolutionaries in order to work with us, we will very quickly find ourselves isolated. Commandism is the practice of standing ahead of the masses politically and effectively commanding them to “catch-up”. It is a self-isolating practice, but one that is practiced by much of the “left” in Canada. While the mass-line involves raising the political level of the masses, this is done through struggle, not through condescension, sloganeering, or demanding the masses politicize.

Finally, the mass line is not mass fetishism. There is a tendency, predominately but not exclusively among white male communists in the first world, to fetishize the masses. Everything that the masses do, according to these people, is somehow sacred and shouldn’t be questioned or criticized. This phenomenon is closely linked to workerism, or the extension of identity-politic type concepts to class: to be a worker is considered another aspect of one’s identity. This approach to the masses is usually rooted in a romanticized view of the masses and class struggle, and is usually found within people that have very little connection to the masses or class struggle. Revolutionaries can and must criticize backwards practices found within the masses, practices like, but not limited to: racism, sexism, homophobia, etc. . The mass line is a means by which these incorrect ideas can be systematically abolished, not encouraged simply because the masses hold them.

 

VI. Why Does the Mass Line Matter?

As anti-capitalists, our goal is revolution. All of Marxism can be summed up under the question “How should the working class go about making revolution?” Why then, as anti-capitalists, is it important to engage in mass work –fighting for reforms, or for struggles that on the surface don’t appear to be revolutionary- rather than simply “revolutionary” work? How does the mass line fit into the broader plan of advancing the class struggle in Canada?

Broadly, there are two large “crises” within the left in North America. First, there is the crisis of organization: there is not, at this time, a revolutionary vanguard or revolutionary mass organizations (or even mass movements!) in Canada or the United States. As such, there is no central organization to which the experiences of class struggle can be systematically summed up as a means of moving the class struggle forward. And as the masses themselves are disorganized, engaging in any sort of sustained political action is difficult.

Second, there is a crisis of confidence. If you were to talk to nearly any worker today, most of them would acknowledge that the present way that society is organized is fundamentally unjust. They wouldn’t be able to articulate precisely what is wrong with society in scientific or Marxist terms, but they would have some idea as to how society could be run better. They may even concede that socialism and communism sound like ideal solutions: Cold War anti-communism is largely a thing of the past. However, almost universally, the masses (and even some of the “left”!) do not believe that any positive change is possible. And how could they be expected to, after nearly 40 years of constant defeats for the working class in North America?

The mass line solves both of these issues. First, the mass line organizes the masses, and builds the capacity of revolutionary organizations. It builds the fighting capacity of the masses and revolutionaries. The proper application of the mass line –I should add this has yet to be figured out by any revolutionary organization in North America- solves the problem of organization. Second, the mass line shows the masses that small victories are possible, and builds their fighting spirit. It unleashes the potential of the masses in the direction of the revolutionary transformation of society. It causes the masses to think “If small victories are possible, then perhaps large victories (like socialism) are too!”. The mass line, if applied in a consciously revolutionary manner, solves the problem of confidence.

More concretely, there are a number of other reasons why revolutionaries need to adopt the mass line as their method of practice. First, organization is absolutely necessary if we are to overthrow capitalism and build socialism. As mentioned above, the masses need to be organized. However, we should go further and say that even if the task of overthrowing capitalism without organizing the masses was possible (it isn’t), the task of building socialism without organizing the masses is impossible. Mass organizations by necessity must form the democratic basis of socialism; if they don’t exist, socialism is impossible.

Second, in a very direct way through the achievement of small victories, the mass line allows us to improve the conditions of the masses. We must not lapse into economism; at the end of the day the specific reform or victory is not important, but rather any mass line activity must serve to raise the level of the class struggle. However, small victories will inevitably be won, and improving the conditions of the masses should be something close to the heart of every revolutionary.

Third, the mass line keeps us grounded in the masses. Everyone is familiar with the stereotyped armchair revolutionary that is well versed in theory, but is totally disconnected from practice and regular people. Many of us know people like this. The mass line forces even the most removed of us out of our comfort zones and forces us to ground our practice in the people themselves, ensuring that our politics are also grounded in the lived experiences of the masses.

Fourth, as we mentioned earlier, ending capitalism and building socialism without the participation of the masses as a leading force is impossible. The only way for the masses to realize that capitalism is their enemy and take up the fight for socialism is to raise the political level of the masses, to show them that their specific grievances relate back to the broader revolutionary struggle. The mass line is the means by which revolutionaries raise the political level of the masses.

Fifth, and perhaps this is a bit crass, but the mass line is the only means by which revolutionaries can build their own forces in a sustainable and effective way. When we consider what a revolutionary vanguard organization should be, we ultimately think that it should be a collection of the most advanced elements of the working class that have united for the purposes of overthrowing capitalism. The only way to figure out who the most advanced elements of the masses are –politically, and in terms of leadership capacity and ability to struggle- is to actively engage with the masses, and build new proletarian leadership within the masses. In this sense, the mass line is not only necessary to solve the problem of organization within the masses, but also to solve the problem of organization within the vanguard as well.

So, with this being said, why should revolutionaries care about mass line methods of practice? Because without the mass line there can be no revolution, and a revolutionary that isn’t working towards building revolution isn’t much of a revolutionary at all.

 

VII. Students and the Mass Line

In conclusion, it’s perhaps useful to state explicitly why the mass line as a method of work is important for revolutionaries doing work with students. First, the mass line provides a framework that allows for revolutionaries to engage in effective methods of work: to win victories, it is necessary to use the mass line. Second, basing ourselves in a strong class analysis of the conditions on our campuses allows us to identify the advanced and backwards elements, and to correctly orient ourselves and our struggles towards these divergent forces. And finally, the mass line is important insofar as we recognize that in English Canada, proletarian students do not make up the majority of students within universities (though possibly colleges and high schools are majority proletarian, depending on program and neighborhood). The mass line, which is a revolutionary method of work –in other words, sets its sights on the transformation of society and not on a more narrow “student power”, “socialism-on-one-campus” based agenda-, allows us to orient our actions towards the minority of students with revolutionary potential and organize them in the service of the broader working class and revolutionary movement. Without the mass line, student organizing is a dead-end for revolutionaries. With the mass line, and with accurately understanding the role of proletarian students in the broader revolutionary struggle, we can effectively coordinate our on-campus efforts with the struggle that is unfolding in the rest of Canadian society: we can positively contribute to the struggle to end this rotten system and build a better world.

 

[1] The original quote by Mao stated “win over the backwards”, but for some reason that is beyond me, “isolate the backwards” begins to show up in reflections on the mass line in the 1970s and early 1980s. Generally the two forms are applicable to different situations: “isolate the backwards” works well when doing initial political activities in contexts where there is an establishment left, when dealing with cadre level people of different political tendencies where it is necessary to isolate counter-revolutionary elements from the masses. However, when doing political work in apolitical situations –in places where the masses aren’t coming into contact with an establishment left- “winning over the backwards” is a more possible goal.

Revolutionary Students of Canada and Quebec: Get Involved with the RSM!

Revolutionary Students of Canada and Quebec: Get Involved with the RSM!

In December 2012 a loose collection of anti-capitalist student organizations, inspired by the experience of the Maple Spring, came together with the goal of building a Canada-wide anti-capitalist student organization. Between December 2012 and now, we have experienced many successes. We succeeded in unifying around a political line that emphasized class struggle within the student movement. We spread that perspective across all of Canada. We built new sections of our organization, and expanded existing ones. We initiated, and won, political campaigns. We synthesized our experiences.

We are now prepared to announce the completion of this project – the establishment of the pan-Canadian Revolutionary Student Movement!

We know based on our experiences that the militant, revolutionary movement we need won’t be built by bureaucrats in student unions tied to the capitalist political parties, or by staying within the bounds of what the ruling class deems to be “acceptable”. We should not be afraid to break with tired, old models of activism. These are the very forces that have worked against building the student movement for years now, and it’s time to leave them behind! We need to unite together around a political line that emphasizes direct action, militancy, democracy, and combative unionism.

Capitalism cannot be fixed or improved. Far from being a ticket into middle class comfort, education under capitalism is increasingly just the means by which massive debt is yoked around the necks of working class youth. At best, under capitalism the education system either trains workers with the skills needed by capitalists, or consolidates the children of the capitalist class – the ruling class of tomorrow. Education, which should be liberating, is not. To be blunt, we can’t afford to fuck around any longer. We need a movement that is not afraid to organize, mobilize, and fight. This is the movement we’re building.

But what does the RSM actually do? RSM organizers were very active during the 2012 strike across Quebec, including within our student associations and in the demonstration at Victoriaville. We unified anti-capitalist students in both Quebec and the rest of Canada in order to spread the lessons of the 2012 strike across the country; our members in the rest of Canada were active in building solidarity for the 2012 strike. We organized across the province of Ontario to boycott the sham provincial elections. This summer, at the Montreal Student Movement Convention, we led the charge among radical students and succeeded in having the convention denounce the bureaucratic lobbyists in the Canadian Federation of Students (CFS), the Canadian Alliance of Student Associations (CASA) the Fédération étudiante universitaire du Québec (FEUQ) and the Fédération étudiante collégiale du Québec (FECQ). At Algonquin College we have successfully campaigned for affordable public transit for students. These are just a few of the successes that have informed our experiences.

More recently, with the spectre of a Spring 2015 strike hanging over our heads, in Quebec our forces are pushing harder than ever to make the upcoming student strike as large and as militant as possible. In English Canada we’re fighting to make truly democratic General Assemblies a reality on as many campuses as possible. In fact, the RSM at uOttawa has already been successful in this effort, and is forging ahead with a plan for a one-day strike in the Spring of 2015 – the first of its kind in English Canada!

At our most recent Conference we successfully unified our political perspective on a solid foundation which is revolutionary and anti-capitalist. Furthermore, we ratified an organizational constitution for the pan-Canadian RSM. These milestones represent a convergence of the last two years’ work as well as a jumping-off point for the years to come. In the two years leading up to this milestone, the RSM has emerged as the most militant, most active, and largest organization of anti-capitalist students and youth in the country. We have been able to engage in work and build contacts with radical students in every single region in Canada. In the years to come we will continue on this path, advancing the class struggle, winning fights for working-class students on campuses, and putting those struggles in the service of the broader working-class movement.

But we can’t do this alone. While our perspective and activities have advanced significantly over the past two years, we are far from perfect. We seek to unite with all anti-capitalist students across the country, either individual or groups, and build an organization that can truly shake society to its foundations – an organization that can make revolution. We call on all revolutionary students from across Canada to take part in this effort by joining their local RSM chapters, or by organizing chapters in schools or cities where they don’t yet exist. We call on all revolutionary student and youth organizations across Canada to engage with the RSM in building the Spring 2015 strike movement. You can get in contact with us by emailing info@mer-rsm.com . We look forward to hearing from you!

Either we will destroy capitalism or capitalism will destroy us. Living conditions for workers are continuing to deteriorate. Unemployment is rising, while good jobs are disappearing. Austerity is an ever-present reality for increasing numbers of people. Another round of imperialist wars has been launched against Iraq, Syria, the Ukraine, and Afghanistan. Colonialism continues to ravage indigenous populations across Canada. The environmental crisis worsens. Now more than ever we have a chance, and the responsibility, to make history. Let’s not miss our chance.

About Our Methods of Work

About Our Methods of Work

The MER-RSM is still a fairly new organization. It was conceived of as a result of several years’ worth of experience within the student movement in the Montreal area and in the student strikes that took place there, the critique of the social-democratic student movement in Ottawa from militants located there, as well as the initiation of communist student work in Ontario following the 2nd Canadian Revolutionary Congress which was held in Toronto in 2010. The MER-RSM has been an attempt at building a revolutionary mass organization in Canada, particularly since the first Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students in 2012. On some campuses we have a solid basis, on others we are trying to build in places where, for whatever reason, there has been no concerted struggle for some time. Given this, we understand that some people may be curious about our intentions, our practice, and our methods. We are gladly taking this opportunity to more precisely articulate our fundamental approach and positions.

We consider one basis of our movement to be an acknowledgement of the multi-class nature of the student movement. To consider students a homogeneous social group is a serious error. Just as Canada is a capitalist society in which there is a class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat in all areas of social and ideological life, students from colleges and universities come from various class backgrounds and continue to belong to different, fundamentally antagonistic social classes even while they study.

While high schools function almost as prisons for young people, with the majority of students coming from the working class, universities are the ideological bastions of the current system. Over the last thirty years, components of various critical theories – some of which are at times very incisive, relevant and effective in that criticism – have been integrated into the curricula of Canadian universities. From the creation of whole programmes of study relating to gender or race, the hiring of certain activist ‘celebrities’ as professors, or the acceptance of a certain type of “activist” groups like the PIRGs and student unions, this has been an effective strategy for co-optation of these ‘critical’ approaches by the bourgeoisie.

However, proletarian students are disproportionately impacted by the austerity programmes that followed the economic crisis of 2008 and which are being pursued by every bourgeois political party, in power or not. Consequently, the struggle for the access to education should not be fought because of vague liberal humanist notions of a “right” to education, but rather because it is in the interest of working class students to have access to education. Furthermore, we must also tackle the fact that universities are the means by which the bourgeoisie maintains its monopoly over knowledge: i.e. how knowledge is developed, what is studied, how the results are used, and who may access it. The class perspective should be advanced and discussed beyond some vague notion of social justice; to maintain this confusion is holding the proletariat – whether student or not – back in its class consciousness.

We believe that the revolutionary strategy applicable to Canada includes building mass organizations of a new type, which do not hesitate to break with the old ideas and old conceptions that have failed time and again. To do so, we are trying to build a new movement with humility, by putting politics in command. Here are some elements from our document “Limits of the current student movement”, which was a pillar for the First Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students. We oppose what could be described as the theory of gradual radicalization. Gradual radicalization means essentially a process of slow, incremental radicalization of the masses through struggles until the cataclysmic revolutionary uprising. It is clear that this gradual radicalization leads to an essentially reformist and economist practice with a professed adhesion to a revolutionary horizon by those that take this approach. This strategic perspective expresses itself concretely in the student sphere as the channelling of all militancy into the framework of student union bureaucracy (the winning of executive and council positions), the proposed tool for this incremental radicalization on campuses.

The struggle for reforms – or immediate demands – and the struggle for revolution and socialism are not opposed or mutually exclusive. The two can be linked, addressing the pressing needs of the masses without slipping into opportunism, without compromising on our fundamental objectives. However, the dominant strategy pursued in even the most radical circles of the student movement does not manage to link demands for reforms with revolutionary organization. Struggling to transform a social system also creates the need to organize differently. To have a qualitatively different movement from what already exists is not a question of creating a new organization, but rather it is a quest of uniting consciously on a basis of common principles and objectives, from a revolutionary point of view and with aspirations to revolution. For too long the political activity of youth and students in Canada has been limited by the dominant major trends of the student movement: reformism – whether ‘radical’ or otherwise – and class conciliation. Revolutionary students do not seek to eliminate student unions. Revolutionary students struggle against reformist currents that trap the student movement and seek to organize, to promote and develop honestly and openly a broad movement of ideological struggle within the student movement and from this starting point, promote a new way of involvement for students, in their forms of organization and struggle.

We therefore orient our work toward proletarian students directly rather than through the false proxy of the student federations. In places where these bodies serve as meaningful sites of political struggle and organization of proletarian students – as in Quebec – we engage with them in order to popularize the revolutionary, communist approaches to the pressing political questions of the day and to organize those proletarian students as part of a class for itself.

Where these structures are alienated from their membership, bureaucratized and ossified beyond repair – as in English Canada – we make clear our opposition to the methods of work and political orientation of these student unions (CASA and the CFS) but ensure that this same alienated bureaucracy does not become the axis around which our work is oriented. We see this error manifest as two distinct strategies – on the one hand are the futile attempts by some organizations to ingratiate and integrate themselves into this bureaucracy in order to change its character “from the inside”, into a genuine and solid organ of class power. On the other there are public campaigns which attempt to organize the masses of students and youth on the basis of critiques of these bureaucracies. Both these strategies are ultimately doomed because of the alienation of the student unions from their membership. Due to the multi-class character of student populations, a student union with mandatory membership can only be proletarian in its outlook insofar as it is undemocratic in its methods. Moreover, orienting one’s work purely toward critiques-from-the-left of these alienated – and largely unknown – student unions is necessarily limited in its potential to reach masses of proletarian students by precisely because proletarian students are not engaged with the student unions to begin with. Instead, it is imperative that we organize proletarian students directly, voluntarily and democratically, on the bases of revolutionary politics and on demands which will advance the conditions and organization of proletarian students within a broader strategy for revolution.

In 1903, Lenin wrote:

When the [Socialist] student breaks with the revolutionaries and politically minded people of all other trends, this by no means implies the break-up of the general student and educational organisations. On the contrary, only on the basis of a perfectly definite programme can and should one work among the widest student circles to broaden their academic outlook and to propagate scientific socialism, i.e., Marxism. (Lenin: The Tasks of the Revolutionary Youth, 1903)

Thus, on campuses where there are groups or militants of the Revolutionary Student Movement, we support the most correct ideas and the most legitimate expressions of the anger of the masses. We called for the formation of general assemblies to replace the bureaucratic executive cliques, which are in effect just junior clubs of the bourgeois political parties. We try to support the most progressive proposals in student assemblies, activist groups, and popular gatherings, especially positions to expose imperialism and the necessary need to support the right to self-determination of Indigenous peoples in Canada. We support campus groups that resist the relentless attacks of the bourgeoisie for the control of academic institutions. We call for combative events on anti-capitalist bases, including May Day protests. These examples from the past few months may serve as a preliminary indication of the path we intend to take.

[Experience tells] us that the right task, policy and style of work invariably conform with the demands of the masses at a given time and place and invariably strengthen our ties with the masses, and the wrong task, policy and style of work invariably disagree with the demands of the masses at a given time and place and invariably alienate us from the masses. The reason why such evils as dogmatism, empiricism, commandism, tailism, sectarianism, bureaucracy and an arrogant attitude in work are definitely harmful and intolerable, and why anyone suffering from these maladies must overcome them, is that they alienate us from the masses. (Mao, On coalition government, April 1945)

The concerted, coherent and organized action of revolutionaries in Canada is necessary for the development of the class struggle, including among students. This action must be done on a coherent basis with the goal of communist revolution in mind in a way that enables us to see progress, modest as it may be. This task is of immense importance; far from being a struggle for the control of established organizations (placing a person in an elected position without revealing their political opinions, boasting and exaggerating achievements, competing in popularity contests, etc.), it is rather the masses living in Canada – among them a large number of youth and students as well as Indigenous peoples – who must position themselves, to start to move. Militants of the MER-RSM wish to be part of a process in which we humbly serve the people, discuss the most relevant revolutionary ideas, and learn to fight the capitalist system on a daily basis. To help guide our work in doing so, militants of the MER-RSM adopted the following principles during the second Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students. Let us mention them here:

 

1) To continue to build the RSM by

  1. Forming new groups where they don’t exist;
  2. Working with existing organisations, where they exist;
  3. Rallying new groups to the next conference.

2) To work towards a new movement in theory and practice in serving the people with the revolutionary principles of:

  1. Anti-capitalism;
  2. Radicalism;
  3. Militancy;
  4. Internationalism;
  5. Independence from the state;
  6. Against reformism;
  7. And struggling for a broad based education which is scientific and proletarian in nature.

3) To develop a proletarian line on feminism, anti-racism and struggles against other forms of oppression.

4) To hold a 3rd conference in early 2014 in Montreal.

5) To hold a speaking tour in late 2013, visiting various locales, to promote the RSM and the 3rd conference.

6) To hold an event in the fall in Vancouver to promote the RSM.

7) Each city/campus/organisation will name someone responsible for maintaining links with the RSM and to mobilise for the next conference.

8) Each city/campus/organisation will, in the spirit of anti-imperialism:

  1. Mobilise for the July 1st day of action in support of the people’s war in India;
  2. Stand in solidarity with the people of Syria against imperialist aggression;
  3. Oppose Canadian imperialism in all of its manifestations.

9) To integrate new traditions of revolutionary struggle.

Consequently, these principles serve as an illumination for our work, yet find their formal expressions very differently in different regions. They serve as key pillars to advance the political organization of revolutionary and proletarian students in Canada. But of course, our work does not stop here. We therefore call for a third Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students.

True to our principles, the very principles that have guided Communists since the publication of the Communist Manifesto, we will disdain to hide our aims. May all individuals, groups, or organizations that wish to debate, discuss and unite with us do it openly, without any fear of being judged or considered ignorant, with no insults or hypocrisy.

At the same time, we call everyone that recognizes the necessity of organizing youth and students as part of the broader class struggle, of the necessity of overcoming reformism, inaction, and bureaucracy, to participate in the next Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students, to be held March 1 and 2, 2014 in Montreal.

May all those interested in combining their forces and their voices in the collective struggle for the abolition of capitalism, a system based on universal injustice and incessant repression, crushing exploitation and oppression, daily alienation, war and imperialism which takes the lives of our brothers and sisters, join us as well.

The MER-RSM is here to stay. Let’s break this rotten system once and for all.

Call-out for the Fourth Conference of the RSM – Quebec City, November 2014

Call-out for the Fourth Conference of the RSM – Quebec City, November 2014

In the two years since the inaugural Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students, held in December 2012 in Toronto, the Revolutionary Student Movement has made leaps and bounds in its development, reshaping the terrain of the student movement in Canada by building a viable revolutionary force which is advancing class struggle on campuses.  Growing from a small collection of more-or-less affiliated local groups in Toronto, Montreal, Ottawa and Quebec City, the Revolutionary Student Movement has grown into an organization with presence in 10 cities and an ever-deepening unity on the pressing political and strategic questions facing the revolutionary movement today: namely, the task of building revolution in Canada.

This unity was most recently demonstrated in Ontario during the provincial election campaign, when RSM members joined with revolutionaries from across the province in launching the Boycott the Elections campaign, which saw events in eight cities denounce the phony democracy of the Ontario legislature.

It was also seen at the Montreal Student Movement Conference, where the RSM played a leading role among radical students, correctly identifying the Canadian Federation of Students as an obstacle to the emergence of a militant student movement, undermining the ability of social democracy to co-opt the revolutionary impulse of today’s youth and students. This position, almost entirely new in English Canada, was successfully argued for and adopted by the entire convention.

The clearest victory of this united, strategic approach came from uOttawa, where the RSM initiated and led the campaign for General Assemblies, organizing wider sections of the masses and winning the campaign with 69% of the final vote – and doing it openly as communists!

From these examples, one common theme emerges: We are advancing, and we have the initiative . More than ever, the Revolutionary Student Movement is poised to constitute the pan-Canadian organization of revolutionary students. This demonstrates two things: first, that the conditions for the emergence of a revolutionary movement in Canada exist, and second, that the political perspective of the Revolutionary Student Movement is best-suited to take advantage of those conditions.

Last spring, at the 3rd Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students in Montreal, we adopted a number of proposals to guide our work, proposals that outlined the preconditions for the establishment of the RSM as a truly pan-Canadian revolutionary student organizaton . From drafting a constitution to expansion into Vancouver to an expansion of our propaganda work to many others, the majority of the goals  we set have been or are in the process of being met. It is necessary that we meet again to track the progress made since then and to chart the course we will follow in the months to come.

It is with this purpose in mind that the Revolutionary Student Movement proudly announces the 4th Conference of Revolutionary Youth and Students, held this time in Quebec City, on November 15-16, 2014.

With invitees from coast to coast, this is shaping up to be another historic leap forward in building the revolutionary movement in Canada! We will witness and shape the transformation of the political landscape of the country and forge ahead toward revolution!

Interested comrades are encouraged to register for participation either with their local RSM chapter or using the online registration form, available here. We are currently soliciting proposals to guide our ideological, political and organizational work for debate at the Conference, and these should be submitted by November 5, 2014.

Assistance with accommodation and transportation are available – No comrade left behind!

With a growing wealth of experience and momentum behind us, the future looks brighter than ever. Now more than ever, we are living the slogan: dare to struggle, dare to win!