Support the Revolutionary Party in Afghanistan! Fight the Occupation and Comprador/Reactionary Forces!

Support the Revolutionary Party in Afghanistan! Fight the Occupation and Comprador/Reactionary Forces!

Military Conference to be hosted at University of Toronto

Members of the Revolutionary Student Movement recently became aware of a military conference happening next week, on April 10th and 11th. The event is called “Afghanistan: The Australian and the Canadian Experience Compared“, and is stacked with a “star”-studded cast, including Major-General Jonathan Vance, Director of Staff, Strategic Joint Staff, Canadian Forces, and one of the architects of the occupation of Afghanistan; Munk School of Global Affairs director Janice Stein, and Michael Ignatieff, famous for his endorsement of the war on Iraq.

The event is jointly put on by UofT’s Trinity-Munk Centre for the Study of Contemporary International History, Canadian Forces College, and Australia’s Asia-Pacific College of Diplomacy. Day one of the conference will take place at Hart House, UofT’s supposed “living laboratory of arts, culture, and recreation” (and now apparently also of imperialist war), while day two will take place within George Ignatieff Theatre within Trinity College.

Although the Centre for the Study of Contemporary International History, co-funded by Munk School and Trinity College, proclaims it will “contribute to both teaching and research at the University of Toronto and will involve undergraduates in the International Relations program through special lectures, visiting professors, workshops and conferences”, it is obvious that the military conference is only the latest in a series of UofT-endorsed international plundering schemes.

According to a writer from

“The Munk School is becoming a testing ground for the militarization of Canadian campuses, reflecting the shifting priorities of UofT’s increasingly corporate-controlled academic planning. As University administrators consent to the withdrawal of public funding, academic decision-making authority is being ceded to the corporate sector. Career prospects in “pure” research are gradually being squeezed to the unfunded margins, and the global security-industrial complex is positioning itself to recruit newly precarious young scholars.”

Take anti-imperialist action!

In response to the Munk School and its catering of imperialist war and occupation, a number of allied groups, including PRAC/RSM and UofT General Assembly’s Anti-Corporatization Working Group, have come together to plan an action to:

  • oppose the corporatization and militarization of university space, curriculum, and the recruitment of precarious young scholars, and to
  • oppose the Canadian imperialism, which now no longer takes the form of outright occupation of Afghanistan, but, instead, manifests itself in indirect occupation through new Afghan puppet regimes.

Please check back for more details about the upcoming action.

Support the people’s right to wage revolutionary war!

As an Marxist-Leninist-Maoist student group, RSM denounces Canadian imperialism and its offspring, the occupation of Afghanistan. On the other hand, we support revolutionary wars waged by oppressed peoples against their oppressors, whether these oppressors take the shape of the old, colonial type, direct-intervention type, or the neo-colonial non-direct-intervention, that prefer to dictate international affairs through puppet regimes. As the Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan points out:

“Hamid Karzai, the head of the puppet regime, while he is constantly telling the participants and supporters of this regime that soon a “long-term strategic agreement” would be signed with America (an agreement that actually has no other meaning other than prolonging the condition of occupation), has declared the crimes of the occupiers in Panjawai to be a deliberate and obvious act of terrorism and has demanded the trial of the perpetrators. However, it is clear that, according to the previous agreements between the American occupation and its puppet regime, and specifically between George W. Bush and Hamid Karzai, that every American soldier and officer in Afghanistan has legal sanctity; they only can be put on trial in the US, according to the constitution of that country. Hamid Karzai…is showing his servitude in empty and meaningless “nationalistic” gestures towards his imperialist masters in order to “prove” his political competency in their court.”

For these reasons, C(M)PA believes that:

“[A] just response to the war crimes of the imperialist occupiers and their satraps, is not to legally prosecute the officers and soldiers responsible for these crimes, to take personal revenge against them as individuals, or the unjust efforts of freeing some prisoners, but the further intensification and expansion of resistance, until the total expulsion of the occupiers from the country and the destruction of their puppet regime.”

Our task is to support the work of C(M)PA!

We, as opponents of imperialism at the one of the centres of imperialism, and as university students from relatively privileged backgrounds, must not only insist on getting Stein, Ignatieff, and Vance et al out of UofT. We must support the work currently done by already existing groups resisting and mobilizing against the occupation.

We must support the Afghan revolutionary forces in its struggle to topple the puppet regime the US and its imperialist cronies helped set up!

M1M–May 1st Movement

For May 1st, in recognition of International Worker’s Day, PRAC/RSM Toronto is working with a number of other anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist organizations to put together a unified march from Nathan Philips Square to Alexandra Park. Unlike the previous year, which saw the march divide into two parts, this year’s march there will only be one march.

We hope you join us. You can contact us at revolutionarystudentsto[at]gmail[dot]com to march with us.


Unite the struggles of the people on International Workers’ Day!
For an anti-capitalist May Day!

* The richest 10 people in Toronto earn almost 3.5 times the annual income of all people earning minimum wage in Canada *

All over the world on May 1, MAY DAY, millions of people fill the streets to advance the struggles and issues of the working class.

On May 1, 2012 in Toronto, we need to also be out in the streets – not as a parade, but as a call to people across the city and across the country.

A call to action against the governments of the bankers and the rich who are imposing “austerity” on the people.  After decades of spending billions on wars, prisons, police, tax cuts and tax breaks for the rich, subsidies, oil and mining companies and other corporations, they tell us there is an ‘economic crisis’ that justifies their layoffs, wage freezes and reductions, cuts to social programs and higher and more fees for what we need.

This is capitalism: their system is the crisis!

This is a call to unity against the nationalism, racism, anti-immigrant sentiments, sexism, homophobia, and any other hatred their media creates to keep us divided while the rich continue to line their pockets.

Since its founding, Canada has been stealing and plundering First Nations lands, minerals and resources and now launches imperialist wars around the world to plunder other people’s resources.  The land rights of First Nations and those of other people fighting for their rights and freedom should be everyone’s fight.  The right to work and dignity for those who come as immigrants and migrants need to be the fight of all of us who came as or descend from immigrants.

This is a call to reject the rampant consumerism and the social decay, climate chaos and environmental destruction imposed by this system.  We don’t want the “growth” that capitalism has to offer.

We want a truly democratic and just society that meets the social needs of all people. Capitalism can’t do this.

So May Day is a call to all those coming under attack, to the sick and tired, the exploited and oppressed.

A call to all unionized workers whose rights and wages were the result of years of struggle, not from supporting this or that party or by back-room negotiations. Remember your role in this society, reclaim the proud history of militant labour.

A call to precarious workers with little job security and no benefits.

A call to the students struggling to find jobs and tied down to tens of thousands in debt.

A call to all the working class women who have to work multiple minimum wage part-time jobs to feed a family.

A call to the racialized youth, targeted and brutalized by police and under attack from policies aimed at stuffing their bodies into new prisons.

A call to the migrant mothers and fathers, brothers and sisters, who left their homes in for the empty promise of a better life.

A call to the indigenous peoples defending their land rights against Canadian colonialism, and a call to all non-indigenous peoples struggles to unite with them.

On May 1, 2012, International Workers Day, join us at 4pm at Nathan Phillips Square for a rally and march to respect Indigenous sovereignty, insist that no one is illegal, for international workers solidarity, to defend and expand public services, to stop prison expansion…and corporate handouts, to end imperialist wars and aggression, to build people’s power, and to move beyond capitalism.

Toward a Revolutionary Proletarian Feminism

Toward a Revolutionary Proletarian Feminism

In the lead up to International Women’s Day, the next Revolutionary Student Movement (RSM) Communist Night School* will discuss issues of gender and class. Specifically, what does feminism mean to proletarian and working-class women? We will read about various strands of feminist thought—from radical feminism, socialist feminism, liberal feminism, to anarcho-feminism—and critique each strand. Finally, we will explore what proletarian feminism means in order to develop a revolutionary proletarian feminist politics.

TIME: 6:30PM, Wednesday, February 29th

LOCATION: Charlie’s Bike Shop, 242.5 Queen Street East, 1 block east of Sherbourne. 

READINGS: 1. pp.18-20. (UPDATE: Link now fixed.)

2. Brave New World–Philosophical Trends in the Feminist Movement (pp.11-59) by Avanti

“But we are proletarian feminists because women are not all alike: there are the bourgeois, the petty bourgeois and proletarian women. Feminism is characterized by the class characters of women. We want a women’s movement expression of the majority of women who are proletarian workers, precarious of today and tomorrow, who are oppressed inside and outside the family. Women who have nothing to defend but have double chains to break. A proletarian feminism because this social capitalist system is classist, this State, Government, these parliamentary parties are classists, their policy is based on a daily class struggle, because sexism, clericalism, fascism are expression of a capitalist, barbarized and rotten class. The proletarian feminism asserts the incompatibility of women with every economical, political, social, cultural, ideological aspect of this bourgeois system. We affirm the proletarian feminism against the petty bourgeois feminism who struggle just to carve out spaces for themselves in this social system.” –Maoist Road

Question to keep in mind for the night of the school: Considering that proletarian feminist movements worldwide are geared toward women liberating themselves from the material oppressions of capitalist/imperialist systems, what is our role, as residents in an imperialist and oppressor country, in helping to create a proletarian women’s movement that will address the concrete struggles of proletarian women?

*The Communist Night School series are hosted by a bunch of students who don’t really have time to do all the readings they’re supposed to do for school or more interesting stuff. We have engaged topics such assexuality, people’s wars, youth movements, etc in past night school series. Read the entries in this website, or flag one of us down after the event, to learn more about some of our actions.

Light refreshments provided.

Hope to see you there!

Communist Night School on People’s War in India!

Communist Night School on People’s War in India!

Wednesday, Jan 11 @ 6:30 pm
Location: Room 223 at Innis College
2 Sussex Avenue, Toronto, ON M5S1J5
Readings provided. Click here.
Snacks provided. Bring your friends!


The third installment of the Revolutionary Students Movement’s Communist Night School will be held in solidarity with the International Week of Support for the People’s War in India from January 14-22. Join us on Wednesday, January 11th at 6:30 for a screening the documentary Blazing Trail: A Journey of the Indian Revolution, followed by discussion of the film and a short reading. Together we will learn more about the Indian people’s struggle against capitalist exploitation, poverty, caste oppression and imperialism.

Come learn. No previous knowledge of communism or Marxism-Leninism-Maoism required.

“May the wind of the people’s war reach the proletarian masses all around the world.”

Combating Liberalism: Sexuality and Class Politics

Combating Liberalism: Sexuality and Class Politics

The Revolutionary Students Movement in Toronto will be hosting a Communist Night School on Thursday, November 17th, from 7PM to 9PM, at Innis College, room 313. We invite you to the second session of an ongoing series of free educational discussions on various aspects of Communist politics and culture where we will debate questions of identity politics and liberalism. Let’s discuss how and why the so-called ‘death’ of communism and the rise of neo-liberalism has obscured our analysis of race, gender and sexuality as an economic phenomenon.

This session, we will be focusing on sexuality. Topics will include the gay movement, including its accomplishments and failures. We will be looking at where the movement has made tactical errors. We will also examine some of the communist backlash against homosexuality as an identity and as a practice, and deconstruct the pseudo-science that underly uncritical Marxism’s attacks on homosexuality. Finally, we will do a brief overview of the history of homosexuality from a Marxist perspective.

Attendees are invited to go through the reading as much as possible and take part in discussions. We will have three presenters, who will break down the reading into digestible components.

Did we mention there will be snacks?

Hope to see you there. marx_ianjames

Thoughts on the Upcoming Elections

Thoughts on the Upcoming Elections


With provincial elections on its way, we the proletariat see the usual string of promises. These promises have no other purpose but to diffuse people’s rage at the bourgeois Canadian state.

All the candidates have adopted rhetoric that addresses the working class, but it is all a sham! All the candidates are simply slight variations of each other. All of them are only interested in protecting the interests of the rich from the disaster the rich has wrought for itself. None of them, or their party platforms, truly analyzes the heart of the proletarians’ problems.

We, whether youth, proletarian, or both, face mounting and unpayable debt. We must work non-stop just the make ends meet, and yet we come nowhere near it. When we try to search for jobs, we find ourselves amidst increasingly bigger seas of jobless people similarly looking for work. We cannot get adequate housing free from overcrowding. These, among other issues, define our generation.

Yet all the bourgeois parties can offer us are meaningless promises that don’t address the root cause of our misery.

The NDP party, a prime example of a party that is left in word and right in form, is dangerous because it works hard to deceive the masses by projecting a so-called working class agenda. It says it will raise people’s standard of living, but it shamefacedly represses people’s knowledge of the sources of the wealth that fills its coffers. Like the Conservatives and the Liberals, the NDP will just as gladly plunder third world countries. Its ultimate interest is the maintenance and growth of the capitalist system.

The Liberals, for its own part, is trying to funnel disaffected young people into NGOs, hoping that these young people will waste their youth working for reforms, as the representatives of endless myriads of identity groups. At the same time, the Liberals are trying to paint itself as the “immigrant-friendly” party by appeasing businesses and professional people of color. Meanwhile, poor migrants are kept outside of borders, and poor workers, working for minimum wages and less, languor inside of the borders, unable to benefit from a policy that only promotes the interests of the businesses and the bourgeois class of immigrants.

While the NDP and the Liberals are busy deceiving the proletarians, the Conservatives, similarly despicable, are working to fan an anti-immigration wildfire: by pitting the immigrants and non-immigrants against each other, the Conservatives hope to distract the masses from the dismal state of the economy. As the economic conditions get worse, the Conservatives will have nothing for the masses but increasingly bold hatespeak.

At wits end about who to exploit next, the capitalists cut down funding in order to maintain profits, and people are starting to mobilize against cuts. Our jobs, though, as students, proletarians, and revolutionaries, is to place the misery of our lives within the larger context of capitalism and crisis. We must have the courage to hold the glaring inequalities and contradictions in front of us to heart; we must address the problem at its root; we must take hold of our attachment to parliamentary democracy, at least as it exists now, and uproot it!

Under the present circumstances, voting simply works to legitimize a fundamentally unjust system. We must opt for the more drastic, the more truthful, solution. We must mobilize the masses to act in its own interest.

We must boldly shout: “revolution is the only solution!”

Communist Skool Launch!

Please read  Prakash’s  “Where Should Students and Youth Make a New Beginning?” We will also be taking a recent youth issue of the Partisan–a newspaper published  by the RCP (Revolutionary Communist Party)–and discussing a segment of it. The newspaper article will be available at the meeting.

Our aim is to help students and youth gain a theoretical understanding of our political tasks, as well as brainstorm some practical ideas for realizing our revolutionary goals.

Directions: get off at St. George subway station at Bedford, then go West until you see a gray, ramped building. Enter via side entrance and take elevator to the 5th floor.

We look forward to seeing you at our launch!

Short speech made at the Oct 15th “Canada out of Afghanistan Now!” rally

A more detailed summary of the rally, as well as an analysis of Occupy Toronto, which happened on the same day, can be found on the PRAC website.

We are the Proletarian Revolutionary Action Committee of Toronto. We denounce Canadian imperialism. We denounce the occupation of Afghanistan.

We stand in solidarity and support of the Communist-Maoist Party of Afghanistan. The goal of the Communist-Maoist Party is to resist occupation in all its forms. We support all those who are working tirelessly in resistance. We particularly those who are mobilizing the oppressed Afghans.

Background information:

In July 2011, a regiment of 650 US troops left Afghanistan, and 33,000 more are due to leave soon.

Why are they leaving? Because the occupation has changed its tactic from one of pure occupation to the gradual transfer of responsibility.

For example, the UK is withdrawing its forces completely. However, the UK will be establishing a military academy for Afghans. The purpose of the imperialists and their cronies is the training of forces that would be able to repress its own people.

This does not mean the US has withdrawn from the business of occupation; the US will be now be occupying in a smarter way—via a puppet regime. How will the US establish this puppet regime? Through 2 ways:

1. the imperialist US intends to maintain permanent army bases in Afghanistan

2. the imperialist US plans to buy out the local Islamist insurgency. It will do this through a variety of tactics, from repression and appeasement, to peace and conciliation.

The ultimate goal of the imperialists is the consolidation of its own rule via the puppet regime. The Islamist, chauvinist and autocratic character of the Afghan regime is of no consequence to the US and its imperialist cronies.

And why is the US so interested seeing the puppet regime consolidate? Because the installation of 400,000 local security personnel will save the US money. Saving money will mean the US can maintain longer dominance of both Afghanistan and the regions around Afghanistan.

It is not hard to see the that end goal, whether 2001 or 2011, is still global supremacy for the US and its imperialist cronies.

What must we do about this? Since the puppet regime will now carry out the wishes of the imperialist forces, the revolutionary struggle will be targeting the puppet regime. That is its top priority.

We, as opponents of imperialism in an imperialist country, must support the Afghan revolutionary forces in its struggle to topple the puppet regime the US and its imperialist cronies helped set up!


A Quick Historical and Contextual Overview of “JRA/PFLP: Declaration of World War by Masao Adachi” (1971)

A Quick Historical and Contextual Overview of “JRA/PFLP: Declaration of World War by Masao Adachi” (1971)


The Proletarian Revolution Action Committee of Toronto and the Revolutionary Student Movement would like to thank everyone for coming out to the event tonight!!!

To put the film in context, we would like to provide a  brief historical overview of the political situation in which this film was made, the relationship between the Japanese Red Army and the infamous United Red Army, our own political position regarding some of these politics, especially the nature of armed struggle, and its implications of it on the larger communist movement.

This film was made 3 years after the second Ampo struggle by noted filmmakers Masao Adachi and Wakamatsu Koji, both sympathizers of the Japanese Left and the Communist League (Red Army Faction). The second Ampo struggle, like the first Amp struggle of 1960, was against the US-Japan Security Treaty which among others things included the right for American military bases to exist in Japan. The Communist League (Red Army Faction) itself was a split from the Communist League, or the Bund, in July 1969. The Bund itself was originally formed in 1958 by a group of Zengakuren members and leaders that split from the Japanese Communist Party in light of Khruschev’s Secret Speech and the JCP’s policies towards a number of political questions. Zengakuren stands for Zen Nihon Gakusei Jichikai Sō Rengō or in English the All-Japan Federation of Student Self-Government Associations, and is an umbrella group for numerous student groups in different universities. Although it must be noted that by the 1960′s several competing Zengakuren’s existed, each controlled by a different socialist/communist group. The Bund quickly came to adopt Trotskyism like much of the anti-JCP Left. The Bund was centrally involved in the first Ampo struggle in 1960 and collapsed shortly thereafter (1961) into numerous small sects due to the failure of that Ampo struggle. The different Bundists sects reorganized themselves into Communist League – Unity Faction in July 1965 in the midst of the ever deepening university struggles, the war in Vietnam and in preparation for the Ampo Struggles. The Bund again was a major force in the street battles, coordinated direct actions and university occupations across the country and was regularly pitted in violent street battles with the police.

Indeed, the unified Bund’s student organization soon emerged as one of the largest student groups on Japanese campuses. However, by 1969 tensions had arisen within the Bund’s central committee regarding the direction that the struggle should take thereafter. The Bund itself was largely concentrated in the Tokyo and the Kansai area around Osaka and Kyoto. The Kansai group argued, much like the Weather Underground, that the time had come to start a revolution in Japan using an urban political-military strategy. The Tokyo group opposed such a plan and deemed it adventurist and premature. In September 1969 at a public meeting organized by the Kansai faction called “The Great Red Army Political Meeting”, the Kansai faction announced the formal formation of the Communist League – Red Army Faction (RAF), and announced the following slogans, “Escalate the Present Struggle into Armed Revolution”, “Simultaneous Worldwide Revolution” and “Create a World Party, a World Red Army and a World Revolutionary Front”. Amongst the attendees were Shigenobu Fusako, future leader of the Japanese Red Army in the Middle East, and Tsuneo Mori, future leader of the Japanese Red Army in Japan. On September 22nd the RAF started attacks against police boxes in Osaka with molotov cocktails, and started a series of revolutionary expropriations and continued until 1971. Due to the success of these actions the RAF quickly came under pressure from police surveillance and saw the mass arrests of their underground and aboveground members. On November 5th the police in an early morning raid on a mountain lodge at the Daibosatsu Pass in Yamananashi Prefecture, surprised and arrested 53 members of the Red Army that were there on a program of ‘special training”. Chairman Shiomi was also arrested, thus resulting in the near collapse of the organization. These mass arrests resulted in two key developments: 1) the rise of Tsuneo Mori to the Chairmanship of the party; and 2) the remaining fragments of the organization came to theorize that it may be too difficult for an urban guerrilla army to get the necessary training in Japan itself, and results in a group of JRA members hijacking Japan Airlines Flight 351 on March 1970 which is re-directed to North Korea i.e. the JRA in North Korea, Shigenobu’s departure in 1971 to Beirut to receive training from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine i.e. the JRA in the Middle East at the behest of Chairman Mori, and the Mori group in Japan which would later merge with the Japanese Communist Party (Revolutionary Left Faction) to form the URA. Apparently Chairman Mori was less keen on establishing worldwide bases and continued to believe that domestic guerrilla training was possible.

Mori and the few comrades that remained in Japan continued to have a fair amount of cash and safe houses that had been acquired through donations and continuous revolutionary appropriations, but did not have easy access to firearms. Thus, they got in touch with another small far-left group that was committed to a form of Maoism and urban guerrilla warfare, the Japanese Communist Party (Revolutionary Left Faction), which was under the leadership of Nagata Hiroko, who like Mori, had been recently catapulted into the Chairmanship of her organization due to her organizing skills and the recent arrest of the former Chairman of the organization during a raid on a police station. The Japanese Communist Party (Revolutionary Left Wing) or Nihon Kyōsantō Kukumei Saha was a split from another Maoist group, the Japanese Communist Party (Left Faction). The  Japanese Communist Party (Revolutionary Left Faction), although having a number of firearms due to successful expropriations, lacked funds and safe houses. Thus, the marriage between the two organizations was one of convenience. The two organizations soon began to begin conducting joint trainings and finally result in the merger of the two organizations to form the United Red Army which is so well-known in the world for the torture and killings of 14 of its own members, and is the subject of a recent Wakamatsu film called “United Red Army”. This film wonderfully demonstrates the brutality and the odd theoretical developments that the new organization develops including: 1) Mori’s peculiar development of the theory of “communization”, which had been mentioned in earlier RAF writings, by merging self-criticism (jikohihan) and sōkatsu or collective critical examination of the problems that an organization faces; 2) the introduction of violence into the process of communization, and; 3) death by defeatism. It must be noted that whilst the PRAC and RSM believe that criticism/self-criticism and some process of becoming proletarian and revolutionary communists is healthy for organizations and the Left as a whole that we reject Mori’s theories, and indeed, note that Mori had little knowledge of Maoism, despite the fact that his organization had merged with a Maoist one. We must remember that this was an unprincipled merger based not on ideological and political considerations but simply on military questions, although it did result in the JRA in Japan and the Middle East shedding some its earlier Trotskyism in favor of a “transition world theory”. Furthermore, it is also interesting to note that in the early months of the joint training the discussions within the URA were lively and active and slowly became strangled through the authoritarian and bureaucratic tendencies of the leadership of Mori and Nagata, especially through the consistent practice of commandism, and the minutes soon become transcripts of speeches by the leadership. WThe PRAC and RSM oppose all forms of commandism, and argue that we must all recognize that commandism is rife in the Left at large.

Shigenobu, leader of the JRA, was completely unconnected from incidents that occur during the joint training, and left Japan for Beirut in early 1971, prior to the merger of the two organizations, although as you will see the film does recognize the JCP(Revolutionary Left Faction) as brothers in the struggle. She is soon joined by Tsuyoshi Okudaira, who would be in charge of the attack on the Lod Airport in 1972. Also, in 1971 two avant-garde filmmakers, Adachi and Wakamatsu, both JRA sympathizers in Japan join her on returning from a film festival Europe decided to make a film about the JRA-PFLP relationship, the film we are screening today. Adachi himself will remain in Lebanon for the next 28 years as a JRA member and was charged in 2001 for passport violations that resulted in a 4-year sentence, which was suspended to 18 months. He has recently made a film about Okudaira and the attack on the Lod Airport. The resulting film “Red Army – PFLP: Declaration of World War”, also translated as “Manifesto for World Revolution”, which makes more sense in the context of the slogans that were agreed upon in 1969, was shown in late 1971 in Japan to increase recruitment for the JRA in the Middle East. A member of the PFLP also spoke at the screening and made a passionate appeal for solidarity with the Palestinian cause. The JRA was thus able to recruit members from the Partisan groups and the legal front that had not joined the Central Army in the mountains. In 1972 after hearing about the lynchings and the Asamo-Sansō Incident, Shigenobu came under increasing pressure from the PFLP who were disturbed by the events. Shigenobu and Okudaira thus penned, “My Love, My Revolution” (which unfortunately has never been translated into English) as a response to the events and irrevocably broke from the URA. Furthermore, the attack on the Lod Airport was conducted on behalf of the PFLP to demonstrate their solidarity with the Palestinian cause and to further distance themselves from the horrific events in Japan. Indeed, it became clear, the JRA in the Middle East was now simply the JRA and had nothing to do with the URA. The JRA becomes increasingly dependent on the PFLP for infrastructure and funding because their links with the movement in Japan had been broken, although they do continue to receive some funding and support from JRA members in Europe who had been forced to leave Japan due to increasing police repression. The Japanese Left experienced increasing levels of police surveillance and crackdowns as the Japanese government repressed the Left due to its consistent embarrassment at the actions of the JRA internationally and their incapacity to catch them. By the 1980′s the JRA and the PFLP part ways because of tensions that arise due to the PFLP’s increasing narrow focus on the Palestinian struggle alone and nationalism, rather than the worldwide revolution that Shigenobu and other members of the JRA had been fighting for. It has been suggested by some that the JRA, like other urban guerrilla groups turned to Muammar Ghaddafi for funding in the 1980’s, and that Shigenobu’s arrest in Osaka, Japan in 2000 may have been evidence that she was trying to re-establish a domestic Japanese network to continue the struggle. Shigenobu formally disbanded the JRA in 2001 and in recent years there have been a number of arrests of other JRA members, although several remain in hiding.   The PRAC and the RSM understand the JRA’s and PFLP’s particular application and understanding of armed struggle, and stand in complete solidarity with the desires of the Palestinian people for a free unified secular Palestine, but do not believe that history has borne out the correctness of their strategies or line. In fact, the PFLP itself has distanced itself from these strategies and theories, and the JRA has completely collapsed because of the evident failures of said strategy. The strategy isolated the JRA from the Japanese people, from whom they had become completely disconnected and unwittingly aided in the suppression of the revolutionary movement within Japan. These are serious errors that were made and cannot be repeated. We would like to make it clear that we also do not believe that there needs to be a world party, a slogan repeated in the film that you will see today, but rather call for the formation of a new International of a new type. Furthermore, we believe that “simultaneous world revolution” and calls for a “world Red Army” are completely idealistic slogans, which demonstrate the JRA’s continuing idealism although it had made some major strides in changing its ideology away from the narrow idealism of a form of Trotskyism that denigrated the important contributions of Ho Chi Minh and Mao. Any and all revolutions must be built on the peculiar national composition of a given country and the contradictions within it, whilst recognizing that those national contradictions are influenced by contradictions that are developed at an international level.

Furthermore, the PRAC and the RSM firmly believe that it is Marxism-Leninism-Maoism that is the basis for any future revolutionary struggle in this country and around the world, although we also recognize that we must emerge from the narrow dogmatism of the past and develop new political strategies and theories that are appropriate to building revolutionary struggles in a given country. Furthermore, the PRAC and RSM stand in solidarity with the RCP(Canada) who recognize, unlike other groups in the Canadian Far Left that may have delusions about the possibility of some non-violent revolution against capitalism or some confrontation of spontaneously armed masses against the well-trained armed thugs of capitalism like the police and army, that protracted armed struggle and armed propaganda will be likely necessary stages in the revolutionary struggle at some future stage. However, these forms of struggle must emerge in direct relation to the mass struggles of the working class itself, and cannot be simply willed from international base areas around the world.