The Path to Women’s Emancipation Can Only Be Achieved by Abolishing Imperialism and Patriarchy Inseparably!

The Path to Women’s Emancipation Can Only Be Achieved by Abolishing Imperialism and Patriarchy Inseparably!

A graphic of a woman tying a red bandana across her lower face. There is a white hammer-sickle on the front of the bandana. The background is red. To the left of her head, it says: "IWWD 2021". To the right of her head, there is a small graphic of the side-profiles of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and Gonzalo lined up. At the very bottom, it says: "THE PATH TO WOMEN'S EMNACIPATION CAN ONLY BE ACHIEVED BY ABOLISHING IMPERIALISM & PATRIARCHY INSEPARABLY!"March 8 marks International Working Women’s Day.

The first ever Working Women’s Day March was held in New York City in 1908 at the initiation of the (then revolutionary) Socialist Party of America. This march was pushed for after women workers protested their conditions in garment factories across New York City. Its implementation would then be championed principally by German revolutionary Clara Zetkin who, through the Second International, made the mobilization of International Working Women’s Day a world-wide event in 1910. Demonstrations led by revolutionaries – from the US to China – would be held on March 8 to commemorate and advance the struggle for women’s emancipation to be completed through socialist revolution.

Seizing on the revolutionary fervour of the masses, seeking to defang it into a passive day of celebration rather than a combative and militant one, the imperialists would turn IWWD into simply “International Women’s Day”. This can be seen by the United Nations adopting International Women’s Day as a harmless celebration. The change goes beyond just language, it removes the class character of the day and the revolutionary history of struggle surrounding women’s emancipation. The diluting of the class content of IWWD is done to cover for the imperialist and colonial powers that seek only to – at best – give lip service to the struggle against patriarchy, principally the oppression of women, among the big capitalist class. The capitalist women are fundamentally a reactionary group incapable of changing anything but the most superficial elements in the manifestation of patriarchy. They are unable to break this system, and fundamentally it is not in their class interest to do so, as the patriarchal exploitation of working women helps to line their pockets. This reveals the complete bankruptcy of postmodernist conceptions of “gender solidarity” where women can be united as women to fight patriarchy. Like the erasure of the class character of IWWD by the big capitalist class, this only serves to confuse contradictions, divide the working class, and prolong the existence of imperialism. Only the working class can destroy imperialism and only working women can be a vanguard fighter in the inseparable struggle to eradicate patriarchy.

A myth peddled by some is that women’s oppression no longer exists in Canada. This ilk would have you believe that some social and political rights – rights that had to be won by countless women revolutionaries who struggled tooth and nail to achieve them – means that patriarchy has been crushed. They would complement this by saying that patriarchy exists only in the “backward” societies. This is most often seen in countries like Canada in the characterization of Muslim-majority countries, wherein the most die-hard opponents of women’s emancipation in Canada will paint themselves as the most ardent feminists internationally. This lie perpetuated by the imperialists is nothing more than an attack on the people of the Third World, the nations oppressed by imperialism, by painting them as barbaric and thereby justifying intervention economically or militarily toward the strengthening of their political power over these nations. This lie also aims to keep private property and women’s oppression alive in the home markets.

The reality is that the exploitation and oppression of working women is alive and well in Canada and is integral to its functioning. The current economic crisis of imperialism has only sharpened this exploitation. The oppression of women is principally rooted in the existence of private property, whose origin allowed for the subjugation of women. This exploitation manifests in how they are pushed toward the role of reproductive and domestic labour whose value is erased, thereby justifying it going unpayed under capitalism. On top of this assignment to reproductive labour, women are also pushed into the workforce to conduct productive labour on top of reproductive labour. The jobs open to women are often restricted to “feminized labour” that is underpaid and overworked. In this way, capitalism provides the means for women’s emancipation by proletarianizing the bulk of them, yet it simultaneously thrusts this double exploitation, both in the home and as workers outside the home, upon them.

Marxist analysis shows that the State is made up of two main elements, primarily its armed force, and secondarily its massive bureaucratic apparatus. Under capitalism, this bureaucratic apparatus has brought forward a whole host of obstacles to prevent the organization of working women to break their chains. Access to healthcare, housing, stable and viable employment, and other necessities are stonewalled by these bureaucratic obstacles and they face increasing unavailability due to rising costs all around. Reproductive rights that include access to birth control, hormones, and abortion are under relentless attacks, whether from religious fundamentalists and fascists who are catered to by “moderate” politicians on the federal levels, or through economic means by denying funding to clinics for the sake of “balanced budgets” that makes access impossible even if “freed” from bureaucratic red tape. Universal childcare has been mocked as either a waste of resources or derided for “denying women their natural maternal role,” which has greatly worsened the condition of women and children as living expenses increase and schools are fluctuated between being opened or being closed. Increased living expenses and impoverishment has made escape from violence in the home and the workplace all but impossible for many, shackling countless women to incredibly dangerous and abusive living situations.

The already meagre situation of trans women has only been compounded. Access to necessities such as housing and medical services are out of reach due to costs, and trans women often experience violence at work or difficulty gaining stable employment due to discrimination. On top of all this, there are bureaucratic obstacles that are added with the very denial of their right to even call themselves women.

The imperialist and colonial core of Canada has only worked to strengthen women’s oppression. The genocide of Indigenous nations within the borders of Canada has been marked by the most ruthless violence against Indigenous women and Two-Spirit people. The fight to get the Old Canadian State to simply investigate the thousands of missing and murdered Indigenous women has been resisted, no doubt due to the clear reality that many of these murders were done at the hand of civil servants, police, and soldiers as a result of ongoing colonial policy and action. Within Canada’s borders to the global scale, Canada’s economic and military endeavours have only strengthened the oppression of women.

Canadian imperialism penetrates deeper into the Third World, creating new semi-colonies. The Old Canadian State does this economically through the export of capital to these colonies or through force. In the latter case, economic domination and ultimately political power follows. Imperialism stunts the economies of these nations, forcing many workers and peasants to flock to the imperial centres to support their families. This is best seen in the case of Filipina women who represent one of their country’s biggest exports.

The solutions normally offered to end patriarchy are often short-sighted and outright reactionary. Some liberal feminists believe the solution is through removing some obstacles so the few women at the top can reach esteemed positions easier; more women cops, corporate board members, drone operators and Hollywood producers. It is assumed that slightly better media representation and “sensitivity training” will somehow tear down patriarchy. Some politicians even recognize the primacy of the economic problem at the root of women’s oppression, only to then argue that this is proof there isn’t “patriarchy”, but rather it is an issue of poverty, leading to an argument for a “gender-blind” and purely economic solution. These social-fascists (they may posture behind more radical labels but amount to social-fascists all the same) will advocate a “revolution” to achieve this by incredibly incremental reform achieved only by glorified lobbying of politicians, by petitioning, and by voting. In total, these reforms do not empower women to attack the issues at their root but rather strengthen the reliance on the Old State through welfare aid.

Alongside these “progressives”, there exists a number of reactionaries who wish to cement old-style traditionalist oppression and paint it as liberation. Whether “traditional conservatives” or postmodernists, they will push for conditions that make it “easier” for women to remain subjugated in the home and workforce, whether it be through pushing tax credits to take care of families to outright justifying sexual exploitation as “legitimate options” or “alternatives” in place of destroying the root of patriarchal oppression stemming from putting women in these conditions against their will.

The reality is that only a revolution that destroys imperialism and settler-colonialism, principally imperialism, can destroy patriarchy. The only way to achieve revolution is through the conquest of Power to destroy the Old State through a People’s War under the centralized leadership of a Communist Party.

Today, the working class lacks this Communist Party. They have been robbed of it at least since its liquidation into the “Labour-Progressive Party” at the hands of the revisionist traitor Tim Buck in 1943. Since then, the proletariat has been left with nothing but opportunists and traitors falsely portraying themselves to the masses as a Communist Party. The most recent face adopted by revisionism in Canada is the “Revolutionary Communist Party”. Whether it is the RCP’s historic leadership in Montreal (the self-styled “Continuators”), or their recent splinter calling itself the Charles Gagnon Cell, or the postmodernist sycophants of Joshua Moufawad-Paul in English Canada, they are all the same: obstacles to be disposed of by the working class on the road to the reconstitution of the Communist Party of Canada as a Militarized Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Party.

Only when armed with our reconstituted Communist Party can we join our comrades in India, Peru, Turkey, and the Philippines in waging a glorious People’s War against the Old Canadian State, abolishing patriarchy alongside imperialism and settler-colonialism all the way until Communism, serving the World Proletarian Revolution.

Women of the working class: it is our duty to reconstitute the Communist Party of Canada!

Wave after wave, blow after blow – against imperialism and patriarchy!

Proletarian Feminism for Communism!


Signatories:

Down with Displacement, Up with Decent Housing!

British Columbia’s Lower Mainland includes some of the most expensive places to live in occupied Canada. Of the 523 municipalities surveyed in the Canadian Rental Housing Index, Vancouver and Burnaby rank last, or close to last in measures of rental affordability and quality of rental units. [1] The lack of affordable housing for working class people has been termed the “housing crisis”. This crisis affects up to 116,000 people in BC alone. [2]

With the housing crisis deepening, activists have initiated a number of actions in the Lower Mainland to raise awareness about it. In Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES), the Vancouver Area Network of Drug Users (VANDU) and International League of People’s Struggles (ILPS) have organized a “Tent City” since July 9. About 50-60 activists, including individuals who are homeless or are currently living in squalid conditions, have set up tents to occupy 58 West Hastings Street, a site currently owned by the municipal government. [3] “Tent Cities” have also been set up in Victoria and Abbotsford elsewhere in BC, and Kitchener-Waterloo in Ontario.

Furthermore, there was currently an occupation of an apartment, acquired by the developer Amacon, at 5025 Imperial Street in Burnaby, by the Alliance Against Displacement. Tenants in this block of apartments are among an estimated 1,400 people in the low-income Metrotown neighbourhood facing the threat of “demoviction”. Apartment buildings with affordable housing units will be demolished so that expensive condos get built in their place. [4, 5] The occupation started on July 9, and as of the morning of July 20, the RCMP have carried out the court injunction to remove the protestors from the site of occupation. [6]

The Revolutionary Student Movement-Vancouver section, extends our solidarity with the “Tent City” in Vancouver and the occupation in Burnaby. We believe that decent, affordable housing for working-class people is a vital necessity, and as such, resolutely support their demands. We commend both occupations for highlighting how the housing crisis affects some of the most vulnerable sectors of capitalist society. We also commend the actions for highlighting the inaction that “progressive” municipal governments in Vancouver and Burnaby, led by Gregor Robertson and Derek Corrigan respectively, have taken in addressing the housing crisis.

The Homelessness Crisis

At its most visible level, the housing crisis includes the 11,000 people in BC who live on the streets. Although Robertson was elected on a promise to wipe out street homelessness in Vancouver by 2015, there are 1847 people who live on the streets in Vancouver in 2016, the highest in a decade. [7] These figures do not include the 40,000 people who are “hidden homeless” in BC and who get by through living in cars or couch-surfing. As the crisis of homelessness has gotten worse, some cities such as Burnaby and Surrey do not even have homeless shelters, and the number of empty units in Vancouver now exceeds the estimated homeless population. [8, 24]

Some of the most vulnerable sectors of the proletariat, or working-class, are at risk of street homeless. We are appalled when migrants, and indigenous people disproportionately face homelessness and housing insecurity. It is estimated that even although 4% of the Lower Mainland’s population are indigenous, they represent over 30% of the homeless population [2]. When migrants, including refugees, and indigenous people do not have access to basic needs, this highlights the continuing racist, colonial, and white-supremacist nature of the Canadian State. Next, women and other gender oppressed people who are homeless face a vicious cycle. They often need to choose between facing physical and sexual abuse from an abusive partner, or going homeless; and while homeless, they sometimes need to return to an abusive partner for financial support, so they can afford fines just for being homeless! [3, 9] Finally, we are concerned when up to 1 in 5 homeless youths identify as LGBTQ2S and when the number of homeless youth is growing. [2, 10] We are appalled especially when homeless youth face unnecessary stress and abuse as they try to get an education or enter the workforce. [10, 11]

The Gentrification of Proletarian Neighbourhoods

13718521_10205350418759957_4339080494318765082_nThe housing crisis also includes up to 65,000 individuals in BC who spend more than 50% on their income on rent, and who often live in substandard, cramped conditions. These individuals are considered at risk of homelessness since housing is considered affordable if it uses 30% of a person’s total income [2]. Housing insecurity, however, does not come out of nowhere. The continuing displacement working-class communities experience in Vancouver and Burnaby is because of policies of gentrification set out by Robertson and Corrigan’s “progressive” governments. These policies are often framed as benign “densification” plans.

In principle, more housing is a good thing, but in reality, building more housing actually displaces low-income residents when they are not able to afford the new housing which is being built. In Metrotown alone, tenants on average would need to pay 25% more in rent than they currently do under Corrigan’s “Downtown Metrotown” plan, yet over half of the tenants in Metrotown cannot afford to pay their existing rents! [3] The same fears of being “priced out” of their own communities are being expressed by tenants in nearby Joyce-Collingwood. [13]

In the Downtown Eastside, including Chinatown, the Robertson government has advocated “social mix” for new developments in these neighbourhoods. “Social mix” means any new developments would include both social housing and “market-price” housing. However, few social housing units in practice would be developed. For instance, a new development at 105 Keefer Street would only include 25 social housing units compared with 102 “market-price” units, at a time when 3,000 Chinese seniors are in need of affordable housing. [14, 15] Next, “social mix” is a policy of segregation. Low-income residents face additional policing, and have separate amenities from higher-income residents, although both live in the same building.  Most importantly, “social mix” destroys more affordable housing than it creates. A net 279 units of low-income housing were lost during the development of the Woodward’s building, one of the first buildings in Vancouver with a “social mix”. [16]  Policies of “social mix” offer no permanent solution to thousands of individuals who have waited years for decent housing, and in the meantime, have lived in cockroach, bedbug-infested, and unaffordable SROs without a shed of privacy. [113606803_10205315895976909_4803548621804326757_n2] It is an absolute shame when these policies destroy the fabric of proletarian neighbourhoods.

The Housing Crisis at Universities

As many working-class students now attend universities, the housing crisis also affects them and extends on campus. There is a lack of affordable housing for students whether housing is on or off campus. Indeed, more than 6000 students are now on the waiting list to access residences at UBC at a time when residence fees are getting more expensive. [21] In 2015, students at UBC protested a 30% increase in residence fees as part of the “I Am A Student” movement. A dormitory at UBC can now cost over $1000 per month [17] at a time when the average student makes only about $750/month (unadjusted for inflation) [18]. This means that students often need to work 2-3 jobs, even during the school year, to make ends meet and to pay for tuition.

To make matters worse, universities do not make developing affordable housing a priority but instead choose to destroy units of affordable housing! Earlier this year, tenants at the SFU’s Louis Riel House, which included 60 units of affordable housing for low-income students, students with families, single mothers, and First Nations students, were evicted. SFU had willfully neglected the condition of the building over its lifetime, and does not have a plan to rehouse all students who were evicted. SFU plans to close down an additional 210 units of affordable student housing. [19] The closure of affordable housing for students with families has also happened at UBC with the closure of the Acadia Courts in 2012. [20] It is shameful when universities choose profit-making from developing projects such as Wesbrook Village and UniveriCity at a time when many students are in need of affordable housing.

Our Demands

Once again, we are glad that a genuine proletarian movement has emerged to struggle for housing justice when until now, “taxpayers” and “homebuyers” have dominated this conversation. We are glad to see militant struggle against landlords and developers who take advantage of oppressed peoples, and action against governments who do not listen to proletarian communities. [3, 13, 14] We see the struggle for housing justice as part of the wider struggle for socialism since capitalism is the root of oppression for proletarian communities. Power needs to be directly in the hands of proletarian communities so that gains for housing justice are made permanent.

 In solidarity with the demands made by the “Tent City” and the occupation at Metrotown [3, 22, 23], we demand the following:

  • Stop the gentrification!: Declare an immediate moratorium on all new “demovictions” and new expensive housing developments in proletarian neighbourhoods.
  • Social housing now!: Build 100% social and affordable housing on government-owned lands in all proletarian neighbourhoods, including the site at 58 West Hastings Street, and university-owned lands for proletarian students.
  • Stop the displacement!: Rehouse all students living at Louis Riel House evicted by SFU, and all tenants evicted by current or future “demovictions”.
  • Rent control laws!: Enact rent control laws, which also apply to dormitories, to ensure housing is affordable for working-class tenants and students in the long term.
  • Homes not jails!: Divert $5 billion dollars from the federal prison, military, police, immigration enforcement budgets, and subsidies to Canadian mining companies committing dubious acts abroad, to support affordable and safe housing for the people!

We finally encourage all proletarian and politicized students raise awareness about the housing crisis and to support both the “Tent City” and the occupation in Burnaby. To support these actions, students can:

  1. Sign VANDU’s online petition, linked here, to support the “Tent City”’s demands in resolving the housing crisis.
  2. Donate supplies to Vancouver’s “Tent City” or support it financially. A list of supplies which the “Tent City” needs is here, and a site where financial contributions can be made is here.
  3. Follow the “Alliance Against Displacement” on Facebook and Twitter for latest updates about future mobilizations in Burnaby and other information about their campaign.
  4. Share this statement, the demands of housing justice campaigns, and other news items on housing justice on social media.

Homes not jails!

Our homes can’t wait!

Affordable housing is a right. What do we do? Unite and fight!

References:

  1. http://rentalhousingindex.ca/pdf/Ranked-Indicator-Scores.pdf
  2. http://www.socialhousingbc.com/
  3. http://thevolcano.org/2016/07/13/were-not-going-home-and-were-not-giving-up/
  4. http://www.burnabynow.com/news/update-housing-activists-occupy-vacant-building-1.2300122
  5. http://www.stopdisplacement.ca/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/Dunblane-Demovictions-Report_Spring2016-1.pdf
  6. https://twitter.com/stopdisplacemnt
  7. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/homeless-create-new-tent-city-to-protest-vancouvers-social-housing/article30898440/
  8. http://thetyee.ca/Opinion/2014/10/28/Burnaby-Surrey-Shirk-Homeless-Responsibility/
  9. http://www.wavaw.ca/talking-the-talk-vancouvers-homeless-count/
  10. http://blogs.ubc.ca/gayandhomeless/files/2011/07/BetweentheCracks2002.pdf
  11. https://www.thestar.com/yourtoronto/education/2015/06/09/foreign-whiz-kid-endured-homelessness-to-graduate-top-of-class-at-u-of-t.html
  12. https://raisetherates.files.wordpress.com/2016/05/2015report.pdf
  13. https://joyceareara.wordpress.com/
  14. http://www.vancouversun.com/business/controversial+chinatown+proposal+rejigged/11438334/story.html
  15. http://thevolcano.org/2016/02/04/our-generations-fight-for-chinatown/
  16. https://ccapvancouver.wordpress.com/2013/02/20/ww_gent/
  17. http://vancouver.housing.ubc.ca/applications/fees-payments/
  18. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/75-001-x/2010109/pdf/11341-eng.pdf
  19. https://lrhcommunity.wordpress.com/about/our-declaration/
  20. http://ubyssey.ca/news/acadia-courts-relocation-876/
  21. http://www.theprovince.com/news/housing+waiting+list+names+long+would+month+square+feet/11736766/story.html
  22. https://tentcityvancouver.wordpress.com/
  23. https://ccapvancouver.wordpress.com/ourhomescantwait/
  24. http://www.straight.com/news/653356/empty-homes-study-reveals-10000-vacant-condos-still-fails-explain-vancouver-real-estate

Images taken by ILPS Canada and author.

Reject Austerity- No to VSB Cuts and School Closures!

Reject Austerity- No to VSB Cuts and School Closures!

The Revolutionary Student Movement, Vancouver chapter, (RSM-Vancouver) is a group of anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist student organizers, based on unceded Coast Salish Territories. We are aware that the Vancouver School Board (VSB) is currently finalizing its operating budget for the 2016/2017 school year. In this process, the VSB has proposed cuts to make up for a $24.6 million funding shortfall, the largest to date, on top of the $82 million in cuts already made to the Vancouver public school system in the past decade. The VSB has launched public consultations on the budget, and will vote to adopt or reject it by April 28. 

In the long term, the VSB is exploring the possibilities of closing up to 19-21 schools, mainly on Vancouver’s East Side: a place where the working-class, urban First Nations, and immigrants are concentrated. School closures were recommended by consulting firm Ernst and Young, acting on behalf of the Liberal provincial government, as part of an “asset rationalization approach” to manage the VSB’s finances. The provincial government has  continually reduced funding for public education, and has previously asked the VSB to close schools before the board goes ahead with seismic upgrades. The school closures would mean that by 2030, up to 5,167 fewer seats would be available in Vancouver’s schools. The “Long Range Facilities Plan” , which proposes school closures and came as a result of Ernst and Young’s report, has been tentatively adopted by the VSB and will become final, after some public consultation, by June.

The RSM-Vancouver unequivocally denounces the cuts proposed in this budget and all recommendations proposed by “consultants” to close schools in Vancouver’s East Side. We see them as egregious, co-ordinated attacks on the conditions on proletarian, or working class neighbourhoods in Vancouver.

We are firstly concerned about the elimination of up to 200 positions from the Vancouver School Board in the present budget, especially when some individuals employed in these positions are precarious workers and serve in positions which benefit proletarian students. For instance:

  • ESL instructors, multicultural liaison workers, and a district-wide anti-racism worker are set to be eliminated or have their hours reduced. This is concerning when immigrant families and immigrant children in proletarian neighbourhoods access these services provided by the VSB, especially when the primary caregiver in a household does not speak English fluently.
  • The district-wide anti-homophobia mentor position will be eliminated. This is concerning when queer families often settle into proletarian neighbourhoods, when students in proletarian neighbourhoods are often far away from LGBTQ2S support services, and when a policy adopted last year to protect trans*/gender-variant students is yet to be fully implemented by the VSB.
  • Elementary school enrichment programs, including music and arts programs, are set to be eliminated. This is concerning when proletarian children often rely on these programs as their only source of extra-curricular activities.
  • Braille, Deaf, and special education support positions are set to be eliminated. This is concerning when these are often the only sources of support for proletarian families whose children have disabilities, and when schoolteachers are often not trained to support students with disabilities.
  • Aboriginal education positions are set to be eliminated. This is concerning when Vancouver’s First Nations population lives in proletarian neighbourhoods and when decolonization and aboriginal education is needed more than ever, in light of recent events.

This is not to mention the elimination of 23 teaching positions and the class size cap in Vancouver’s secondary schools. These changes will only put more stress on overworked teachers when teachers have indicated that their class sizes are already too big during the previous BC Teachers’ Strike. The quality of education in proletarian secondary schools will only go down when teachers in those schools become overworked and are not able to give enough individualized attention to students who are struggling.

Moreover, we oppose the recommendation to close 19-21 “underutilized” schools in the East Side, especially at a time when BC Statistics Agency has predicted that enrolment in the VSB may go up by 8000 students by 2025! Closing these schools will only cause grief to working parents who may need to travel far away from their neighbourhoods to access education  for their children. Next, we reject the basis that these schools are “underutilized”, when they often provide special programs such as a First Nations-focused education and spaces where proletarian communities can gather and organize.  As such, enrolment should not be the sole measure of a school’s value when schools provide much more than literacy and life skills for children.

Based on all of these proposals, we can only see that austerity is just a synonym for class war. Class war occurs when “consultants” recommend closing “underutilized” schools in proletarian neighbourhoods, only so that the VSB can have the resources to make seismic upgrades for schools in bourgeois, upper-class neighbourhoods. Class war occurs when budget proposals make cuts to services proletarian families often access. Class war occurs when the quality of education in proletarian schools is declining as a result of overworked teachers and support staff. In these times of capitalist crisis and neoliberalism, austerity becomes a way to openly exploit proletarians so that the rich can only become richer.

teachers-1Austerity, however, can be stopped. In the short term, we would like to encourage the current school board to extend public consultations, especially when the masses are condemning austerity, to vote no to an austerity budget, and to stop any proposed school closures. We condemn the so-called “progressive” trustees on the school board when they claim to be fighting for proletarian students and better public education, but instead vote for cuts and school closures. We recall Vancouver’s recent history when in 1984, a school board comprised of “progressive” trustees refused to obey the provincial government’s directive to make cuts. The cuts in that year never happened as a result of the trustees’ determination during this struggle.

Furthermore, we encourage the masses, especially proletarian students, to voice their opposition to these proposed austerity measures from the VSB. We are glad to see visible opposition to the cuts but we are appalled when under austerity, groups representing diverse sectors in proletarian neighbourhoods fight each other for whatever crumbs they can get from the ruling class. We applaud the actions of students, when the students of Greenwood Secondary School walked out of their classes in protest of the Toronto District School Board’s’ proposal to close their school. Similarly, we encourage students in the VSB to display the same militancy in opposing this budget and proposed school closures, as they did in organizing in solidarity with BC teachers during the BC Teachers’ Strike.

At the same time, we deplore a system when the bourgeoisie (ruling, and capitalist class) are allowed total power over the education of proletarian children. We cannot wait for “progressives”, including the BC NDP, to improve the conditions in proletarian neighbourhoods when many of these “progressives” support austerity at the same time. It is only fair that proletarians, which comprise the majority of society, are able to end austerity for good and allocate society’s wealth to benefit of their communities. This is why the Revolutionary Student Movement fights for an end to the rotten capitalist system, the root of oppression for proletarian families, and dares to build the struggle for socialism.

ROCK BEATS SCISSORS! SOLIDARITY BEATS AUSTERITY!

Sources:

  1. https://www.vsb.bc.ca/20162017-budget
  2. http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/vsb-busdget-cuts-1.3515629
  3. http://www2.gov.bc.ca/assets/gov/education/administration/resource-management/reports/moe_vsb_review_report_june_2015.pdf
  4. http://www.vsb.bc.ca/sites/default/files/shared/Item%201%20-%20Interim%20Long%20Range%20Facilities%20Plan.pdf
  5. https://www.vsb.bc.ca/sites/default/files/shared/2016-2017%20Preliminary%20Budget%20Proposals%20Report%20March%2031%202016%20-%20Website%20Version.pdf
  6. http://bctf.ca/publications/NewsmagArticle.aspx?id=21540
  7. http://www.newstalk1010.com/news/2016/04/08/east-end-high-school-students-walk-out-of-class-in-protest
  8. http://news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/b-c-teachers-strike-imminent-as-negotiations-with-government-at-an-impasse